Israel is moving one (big) step closer to annexing Gaza
It would be an understatement to suggest that the current Israeli government has lost the plot. What it is plotting can only bring disaster to the Palestinians in Gaza, probably on Israel as well, and on the chances of bringing this horrific war to an end any time soon.
After an all-night meeting last week, the Cabinet decided, in a symbolic move, that by Oct. 7 this year, the Israeli army will take over the entire Gaza Strip. This includes taking control of Gaza City, where hundreds of thousands of Palestinians have been trapped for many months, suffering from acute shortages of food, drinking water and medical aid, and living in constant fear of the next Israeli military assault.
The many hours it took the Israeli Cabinet to reach this decision might suggest to some that there were deep divisions among the decision makers. This is hardly the case. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was determined to gain approval for the proposal, come what may. The only robust resistance came from Eyal Zamir, chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces, who tried to talk some sense into those around the table regarding the horrendous implications of such a decision for the military, the hostages still held by Hamas, and the country’s standing in the world.
But in a Cabinet stuffed with extremists, sycophants who would have no political existence without Netanyahu, and those who are too afraid to challenge him, the go-ahead for the plan was a formality.
The Cabinet set out what it called five principles for expanding the military campaign in Gaza: disarming Hamas; the return of all hostages, both living and deceased; the demilitarization of the Gaza Strip; Israeli security control of the Gaza Strip; and the establishment of an alternative civilian government that involves neither Hamas nor the Palestinian Authority.
In reality, these can hardly be described as “principles” but instead simply repeat the Cabinet’s existing objectives; some of which were set early in this war, others added as it became apparent that the level of destruction Israeli authorities were inflicting on Gaza required that they at least pretend that they do not intend to remain in Gaza for the long term.
In a Cabinet stuffed with extremists, sycophants who would have no political existence without Netanyahu, and those who are too afraid to challenge him, the go-ahead for the plan was a formality.
Yossi Mekelberg
So far, Israel might have reduced the military capabilities of Hamas but it has not eliminated the organization. Instead, it has simply inflicted immense misery and suffering upon the Palestinian people and deepened the divisions within Israel itself, while compromising the reputation of the country to the extent that it will now take a very long time for it to be salvaged. And for this Israeli government, any mention of efforts to secure the release of the remaining hostages is mere lip service.
Why Netanyahu should continue to believe that what Israel has failed to achieve in more than 22 months of war, despite infinitely superior military capabilities operating with little-to-no consideration for the lives or well-being of civilians, will nonetheless eventually lead to ultimate victory over Hamas beggars belief.
The obvious ulterior motives of Israel’s prime minister are becoming ever more apparent as he not only ignores the recommendations of the head of his army but, astonishingly, also a letter signed by some 600 retired senior security officials, including former army and intelligence agency chiefs, who wrote to US President Donald Trump urging him to put pressure on Israeli authorities to end the war in Gaza immediately.
It is also telling that in their despair, these people, all of whom served their country loyally for decades, should send their plea to the American president and not their own prime minister, in whose integrity and judgment they have completely lost trust.
Those who signed that letter are not wrong to have lost faith in Netanyahu’s conduct of this war; his latest decision, which to all intents and purposes means occupation of the Gaza Strip in its entirety, was taken either because he is biding his time to satisfy the messianic ultranationalists within his coalition government, or is gambling that by entering Gaza City he will be able to defeat Hamas and release the hostages, which could put him in a position to call an early general election and perhaps win it.
The former scenario is pure, cynical opportunism. The latter reflects cynicism and delusion in equal measure. Regardless of the motivation, the outcome will be yet more suffering and bloodshed.
Moreover, it was reported that during last week’s Cabinet meeting, Gen. Zamir warned that this course of action was as good as giving up on those hostages still thought to be alive. In light of the fact that it was mainly diplomacy that achieved the prior release of some hostages, it is impossible to contradict his warning.
For a long time now, this war has no longer been about defeating Hamas or rescuing the hostages … it has purely been about rescuing Netanyahu’s declining political career and saving him from a possible jail sentence.
Yossi Mekelberg
In an effort to cool the inevitable roasting his country would receive from the international community upon learning of his plan, Netanyahu refrained from describing the objective of the military operation as an “occupation” and opted instead to use the word “takeover.”
After more than 22 months of mass killings and destruction inflicted by Israel in Gaza, however, his decision was still viewed as a step too far by countries around the globe, including close friends and allies, who condemned it in no uncertain terms.
The UK’s prime minister, Keir Starmer, instantly condemned the Israeli security Cabinet’s decision as “wrong” and urged its members to immediately reconsider as “it will only bring more bloodshed.”
In an unprecedented move, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz announced that his government would no longer approve the sale of military equipment to Israel if it might be used in Gaza.
It would be naive not to believe that one of the calculations made by the Israeli government in formulating its plan was that the threat of a large-scale military operation would result in many residents of Gaza City fleeing to other parts of the tiny territory, and perhaps eventually leaving it.
This would only add to the extreme woes of the Palestinian population, many of them young children, who have been displaced several times in the past two years with no access to food or clean water, and are suffering from malnutrition and even starvation.
Moreover, war in urban areas not only means the likelihood of many civilian casualties, it also means further deployment in such an environment of already exhausted Israeli troops who have been on active service on the front lines for nearly two years, with all the likely effects this might have on their judgment. It is a recipe for disaster.
For a long time now, this war has no longer been about defeating Hamas or rescuing the hostages. Instead, it has purely been about rescuing Netanyahu’s declining political career and saving him from a possible jail sentence for corruption. In service of that, he will stop at nothing.
• Yossi Mekelberg is professor of international relations and an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House.
X: @YMekelberg
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