Category: 1. Pakistan

  • From humble wings to strategic supremacy

    From humble wings to strategic supremacy

    PUBLISHED
    August 24, 2025

    In the latest round of hostilities between India and Pakistan, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) demonstrated a level of sophistication and effectiveness that surprised even seasoned military observers. Much of its success was attributed to the integration of Chinese J-10C fighters equipped with the formidable PL-15 air-to-air missile. But what truly set the PAF apart was its ability to conduct multi-domain operations — a capability it has been developing over the past six to seven years. The concept of multi-domain operations has been around for some time but amongst the regional air forces, the PAF is the first to master and demonstrate it in actual combat. This evolution did not occur overnight. It is the culmination of nearly 80 years of institutional growth, strategic alliances, operational experience, and technological integration.

    Both the Indian Air Force (IAF) and PAF originated from the same parent organisation, the Royal Indian Air Force. However, over the decades and through four conflicts — 1947–48, 1965, 1971, and the recent aerial engagements following the Pulwama incident in 2019 and the battle that followed the Pahalgam incident of April 2025— the PAF has carved a unique identity and earning international recognition for punching above its weight.

    The culture of the PAF at its birth and for some years to follow had not progressed much from the days of the World War II. A recently published book, The Eagles of Destiny: History of the Royal Pakistan Air force and Pakistan Air Force 1947-1971, a study on the evolution of the PAF, records interviews of two veterans who were commissioned into the Royal Indian Air Force: Air Marshal Zafar Chaudry and Air Vice Marshal Khyber Khan. Both believed that there was limited understanding of the air force’s objectives and purposes and little institutional maturity. Consequently, things like flying discipline were weak – ‘a kind of childish and juvenile behaviour’. A good pilot retracted his undercarriage very quickly after takeoff; did a couple of loops over the airfield; on returning from a sortie beat-up (flying very low over) the airfield and then zoom up; and was capable of landing after sunset even if there was considerable light. While converting to another aircraft a pilot was provided with a just a pilot’s manual and there was ‘hardly any briefing or monitoring by senior pilots. In short, a young flight lieutenant literally ‘flew by the seat of his pants”. To add to this was the lack of flying experience up to the level of squadron commanders who had only 5-6 years of service. Consequently, accident rates were high but, in all fairness, high rates were not unusual for newly formed post-war air forces operating legacy WWII aircraft under severe logistical and training constraints.

    After independence, both the PAF and IAF followed British RAF traditions, but they developed in different ways. PAF’s first chief, AVM Atcherley, chose not to grow the air force quickly. Instead, he focused on improving training and bringing in high-quality recruits by starting air cadet schemes, university air squadrons, and basic flying through aeroclubs. He knew that the brave, risk-taking style of WWII pilots wasn’t enough for long-term success. On the other hand, the IAF became larger more quickly and got strong political support. Indian officers took command earlier, but the focus stayed on buying more aircraft rather than building a clear strategy. The PAF’s slower and more thoughtful approach helped it become more flexible and better trained, while the IAF’s size sometimes hid early problems in planning and teamwork.

    The PAF also operated without a formal operational doctrine. It inherited the ethos and tactics of the Royal Air Force, emphasising air defense and interception with a limited, reactive posture. Its combat capabilities were limited to one squadron of Attackers (jets) and three of propeller driven Tempests and later Furies, and focused on basic flying proficiency and limited close air support. Resource constraints meant the PAF lacked strategic depth, joint operations planning, or modern air defense capabilities. Leadership under officers like Air Vice-Marshal Asghar Khan focused on professionalism, training, and advocating for modernisation. However, without external support, the force remained small and tactically oriented.

    An early debate in the PAF was its role – whether it had a mission of its own or it was an adjunct to the sea and land forces. The very small size of the PAF lent weight to it being relegated to a supporting arm but the credit goes to the leadership provided by the RAF who argued that ‘never was there military defence problem that so much needed a strong air force’. They also argued that a strong air force capable of striking back at the enemy is also a deterrence. ‘Eagles of Destiny’ notes that the RPAF never established an official doctrinal document, but the inheritance from the RAF meant that this aspiration as an independent air force and the belief that an air arm had a distinct mission was ingrained.

    It would take time for an official doctrine to evolve, but Air Vice-Marshal Asghar Khan, the recently appointed young and dynamic Commander-in-Chief of the PAF gave it its first doctrinal identity. He replaced the informal motto inherited from his RAF predecessor—“Are you on the ball?”—with a mission-defining maxim: “train to fight outnumbered.” This shift captured the essence of the PAF’s emerging ethos and was fully aligned with the comprehensive US military assistance programme. The aid not only delivered advanced platforms such as the F-86 Sabre, B-57 Canberra, T-33 trainer, and eventually the F-104 Starfighter, along with radar systems, but also introduced the doctrinal frameworks for modern air operations, planning, and integration. Together, these changes marked the beginning of the PAF’s transformation into a capable, confident, and professional air force, able to compensate for numerical disadvantage through superior training, tactics, and leadership.

    Pakistani pilots trained in the US and American advisors helped build institutional capacity within the PAF — training programmes, doctrine development, and exposure to Western operational concepts. What made the 1950s and early 1960s truly transformative was not just the acquisition of aircraft but the professional culture that took root. A generation of officers imbibed a sense of discipline, meritocracy, and mission orientation. The Sabre–Starfighter era marked the first time the PAF stood toe-to-toe with a numerically superior IAF, and the 1965 war became the litmus test of its mettle. Despite being outnumbered, PAF pilots flew with audacity and precision, downing Indian aircraft in engagements that became legendary.

    During this period, the force was structured around a single-domain warfare philosophy —that is, the domain of air platforms alone, focused almost entirely on achieving air superiority and mastering interception tactics. PAF pilots and planners were exposed to American air combat doctrine, emphasising offensive counter-air operations, defensive counter-air patrols, and interception of intruding bombers or fighters. The PAF also began to build an early command and control (C2) infrastructure. U.S.-supplied radars like the FPS 6 and FPS 20 and manual Ground-Controlled Interception (GCI) systems gave the force its first experience in coordinated air defense. However, no serious attempt to coordinate with land-based electronic warfare, cyber, or space capabilities, which were rudimentary or nonexistent at the time.

    In the 1971 War, the PAF found itself on the defensive, burdened by the strategic disadvantage of operating on two geographically separated fronts. The loss of East Pakistan was a blow, but the war reinforced the need for greater self-reliance and indigenous capacity. To maintain operational readiness, the PAF had to innovate tactically and integrate non-Western systems. Chinese F-6s were inducted in large numbers (from 1966 onwards), and after the 1971 War came the A-5 ground attack aircraft, Soviet-style surface-to-air missiles (SAMs), and radars. These platforms lacked the sophistication of US systems, but the PAF adapted creatively. The F-6, though basic and rugged, was upgraded to meet Western standards thanks to the skill and persistence of the technical branch and supporting industry. During this challenging time, the acquisition of Mirage IIIs from France proved a masterstroke. These aircraft gave the PAF a modern, high-performance interceptor and strike platform that significantly enhanced its combat capabilities. Despite operating a mixed fleet with varying capabilities, PAF pilots trained rigorously to fly diverse aircraft in coordinated strike and air defense roles, maintaining high standards across the board and laying the foundation for an adaptive, flexible fighting force.

    Without external input, the PAF developed indigenous air combat tactics tailored to its aircraft’s strengths—like fast climb rates of F-6s—while compensating for weaknesses in avionics and weaponry. One of the major steps was towards improvised integration. Ground radars, intercept control, and SAMs were manually synchronised with limited data-sharing tools, fostering the early seeds of integrated battle planning across domains (air, ground, and limited EW). This laid the foundations of an adaptive mindset essential for future multi-domain coordination.

    The 1980s marked another leap forward for the PAF. With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and Pakistan’s renewed strategic relevance to the West, the US resumed military assistance, leading to the induction of the F-16 Fighting Falcon — a multirole jet that quickly became the backbone of the PAF fleet. Its arrival not only modernised the force with advanced avionics, weapons systems, and interoperability with Western platforms, but also trained a new generation of pilots in both air-to-air and air-to-ground operations. More importantly, the F-16 introduced a new concept of warfare: integration into a broader command-and-control network. While the aircraft itself was impressive, its real value lay in vastly improved data exchange between the cockpit and ground controllers. This ushered in a new era of situational awareness — where pilots could access a real-time tactical picture derived from ground radars, AWACS, and other sensors. This evolution laid the groundwork for what was later witnessed over Kashmir, where F-16 pilots benefited from a far superior understanding of the battlespace compared to others flying older-generation aircraft.

    However, the era of dependence on the US was not without its pitfalls. Sanctions following Pakistan’s nuclear tests in 1998, and later restrictions under the Pressler Amendment, exposed the vulnerabilities of relying on a single foreign supplier. In contrast, India continued to diversify its sources, importing fighters from the Soviet Union and later from France and Britain. Ironically, this diversity led to logistical and doctrinal challenges that hampered operational readiness.

    The 1990s and early 2000s marked a crucial transitional period for the PAF, during which the force began to shift from a platform-centric, single-domain force to a doctrine-driven, network-aware air arm. This change was largely a response to regional strategic developments, the widening technological gap with India, and the PAF’s need to remain credible despite Western sanctions and equipment shortages following the Pressler Amendment.

    A cornerstone of this evolution was the deepening strategic partnership with China, which filled the vacuum left by the West. The PAF and Chinese aviation industry, particularly the Chengdu Aircraft Corporation, began close collaboration — first on technology transfers, and later on co-development projects such as the JF-17 Thunder. This partnership not only provided affordable and customisable platforms but also exposed PAF engineers and planners to new modes of technical integration, mission planning systems, and avionics fusion, paving the way for network-centric thinking.

    Meanwhile, Indian investment in high-end platforms like the Su-30MKI, AWACS, and indigenous cruise missiles heightened the PAF’s awareness of Information Superiority as a key determinant in future wars. As a result, the PAF began exploring intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities more seriously. The limited but targeted introduction of UAVs for tactical ISR, ground-based radar upgrades, and more advanced mission debriefing tools reflected this emerging doctrinal shift.

    Another vital development during this period was the growing interest in electronic warfare (EW). The PAF started training squadrons in basic electronic countermeasures (ECM), and efforts were made to integrate jamming pods and defensive suites on frontline aircraft. EW began to be seen not just as a support tool, but as a potential force multiplier in future conflicts. From 2010 onward, the PAF laid the groundwork for true multi-domain thinking. The term ‘multi-domain operations’ refers to the integration of capabilities across air, land, sea, space, and cyberspace to overwhelm adversaries across all spectrums of conflict. While originally a US military concept, its essence was adopted by the PAF through hard-earned lessons and technological adaptation.

    During this period, the PAF also initiated and developed Link-17, its own indigenous tactical data link. Developed by the National Engineering and Scientific Commission (NESCOM) and the Air Weapons Complex, Link-17 was a response to US reluctance to provide access to secure NATO-standard data links such as Link-16. Link-17 was designed to enable secure, jam-resistant, real-time communication between PAF aircraft, ground controllers, and AEW&C platforms. It allows for tactical picture sharing across platforms like the JF-17, J-10C, and the Erieye and ZDK AEW&Cs. It also supports encrypted, low-probability-of-intercept transmissions, a critical feature in contested electromagnetic environments. By the mid-2010s, Link-17 had become a core part of the PAF’s network-centric warfare doctrine. It was fully integrated into frontline aircraft and simulators, and embedded in command-and-control infrastructure at PAF bases. This gave the PAF a sovereign C4ISR capability and enabled real-time coordination between airborne and ground assets, transforming operational planning and execution.

    Despite operating a mix of modern platforms, the IAF lacked a secure, indigenous tactical data link system for many years. The Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS), initiated in the 2000s, provided a backbone for ground-based radar and command coordination, but fell short of enabling full airborne and platform-to-platform integration. A tactical data link equivalent to NATO’s Link-16 was envisioned as part of India’s broader Network Centric Warfare (NCW), but progress was slow and uneven. By the late 2010s, India began developing Software Defined Radios (SDRs) through the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) to allow secure communications across platforms. However, a unified, encrypted, real-time tactical data link network connecting fighters, AEW&C aircraft, and SAM systems remains incomplete. The IAF’s efforts were hampered by its highly diversified inventory of Russian, French, and Indian aircraft, which complicated integration. Additionally, delays by DRDO, overreliance on foreign vendors, and a lack of doctrinal urgency toward multi-domain operations contributed to the lag.

    The late 1990s saw the PAF increasingly engaged in simulated exercises and wargames that emphasized scenario-based planning and joint awareness across different levels of command. Though still not fully joint with the Army or Navy, the seeds of network-centric warfare were sown in this era. In sum, this was a period of doctrinal maturation and conceptual broadening. The PAF began to see itself not merely as an airpower platform, but as part of a networked force, operating in an environment where information, electronic dominance, and interoperability would define outcomes more than individual aircraft or pilots. These realisations laid the groundwork for the full-spectrum multi-domain capability the PAF would strive to build in the coming decades.

    One of the key differences between the PAF and IAF that has become more apparent over the past two decades lies in the approach to indigenous development and foreign collaboration. India, in its bid for strategic autonomy, launched the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Tejas project in the 1980s. Rather than partnering deeply with a technologically mature partner like the Soviet Union and its successor, it chose to develop the aircraft largely in-house through Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL). Decades later, the programme remains plagued by delays, limited production runs, and concerns over combat performance. Ultimately India took a much-delayed step and collaborated with Russia in developing the Brahmos supersonic missile.

    Pakistan, on the other hand, took a more pragmatic route. When the need for an affordable, multirole fighter became critical in the late 1990s and early 2000s, Pakistan collaborated with China to develop the JF-17 Thunder. Unlike India’s HAL-driven model, the JF-17 programme involved close collaboration between the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex (PAC) and Chengdu Aircraft Corporation. Pakistani engineers and technicians were embedded in Chinese factories, participating in every stage — from design and testing to production and upgrades. The result was a combat-proven platform tailored to the PAF’s doctrinal and geographic needs. It could be produced locally, upgraded incrementally, and deployed in large numbers. Today, over 150 JF-17s serve in frontline squadrons. Their success has not gone unnoticed, with exports to countries like Nigeria, Azerbaijan and Myanmar, and interest from others in Africa and Southeast Asia.

    Meanwhile, the IAF struggled with maintenance issues across a diversified fleet, procurement delays, and a declining squadron strength. While the Rafale induction in 2020 was a significant boost, it was limited in scale and expensive, and did not fundamentally alter the balance. The IAF’s doctrine also remained largely platform-centric, focusing on acquiring advanced aircraft rather than building integrated capabilities across the spectrum. The PAF, by contrast, embraced systems integration. Recognising that modern air warfare is not just about platforms but about networks, sensors, and decision loops, it invested in early warning and control systems. The induction of Swedish Saab 2000 Erieye and Chinese ZDK-03 AWACS aircraft enabled a quantum leap in air situational awareness and battle management. These platforms became the backbone of the PAF’s ability to conduct real-time surveillance, track multiple aerial threats, and coordinate multi-squadron responses.

    This focus on integration became evident during the post-Balakot aerial skirmishes in February 2019. In response to Indian Mirage strikes across the Line of Control, the PAF launched Operation Swift Retort, a calibrated yet decisive counterstrike. Not only did Pakistani jets penetrate Indian airspace and target military installations, but they also demonstrated electronic warfare, jamming, and coordination via AWACS in a manner that caught the IAF off guard. The downing of an Indian MiG-21, and the subsequent capture of its pilot, was a symbolic and psychological victory that highlighted the PAF’s growing edge in operational planning and execution. Over the past decade, the PAF has also made strategic use of its Chinese partnership to leapfrog generations in capability. The induction of the J-10C — a 4.5-generation fighter with AESA radar and long-range PL-15 missiles — has brought parity, and in some areas, superiority, over IAF platforms. More importantly, the training, tactics, and maintenance ecosystems built around these aircraft have created a sustainable model of airpower.

    The IAF, for all its resources and industrial base, has found itself struggling to translate numbers into capability. Bureaucratic inertia, overcentralised planning, and a risk-averse culture have prevented it from taking bold steps toward doctrinal reform. The PAF, in contrast, has shown agility, cohesion, and clarity of purpose. Its focus on quality over quantity, pragmatic alliances, and integration of multi-domain capabilities has allowed it to emerge as a credible regional air force.

    As both air forces look toward the future, with programmes like India’s AMCA and Pakistan’s Project AZM (fifth-generation initiatives), the race will be shaped not only by manned aircraft but by a plethora of aerial vehicles, cyber warfare, space-based assets, and artificial intelligence. The PAF’s challenge will be to maintain its edge with limited resources, with resilience, professionalism and predicting revolutionary changes in warfare based on conflicts around the world like the Russo-Ukrainian War.

    Author’s note

    I am grateful to Capt Ejaz Haq for gifting me a copy of Eagles of Destiny: The History of the Royal Pakistan Air Force and Pakistan Air Force 1947–1971, and to its co-author Yawar Mazhar for vetting this article and offering valuable insights. Thanks also to aviation enthusiast Franciszek Grabowski for sharing his draft of Hatching of Falcons and providing helpful feedback.

     

    Syed Ali Hamid is a retired Pakistan Army major general and a military historian. He can be contacted at syedali4955@gmail.com

    All facts and information are the sole responsibility of the writer

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  • Unlocking billions with Reko Diq copper and gold reserves

    Unlocking billions with Reko Diq copper and gold reserves

    Global significance of Reko Diq

    When completed, Reko Diq will be among the top five copper mines in the world, producing on average 800,000 tonnes of copper concentrate annually in its first phase, with expansion plans to double capacity by 2034.

    The mine holds an estimated 15 million tonnes of copper reserves and 26 million ounces of gold, according to the latest feasibility study. Over its projected 37-year life, the project is expected to generate more than $70—74 billion in free cash flow, making it one of the largest foreign direct investments (FDIs) in Pakistan’s history.

    Copper

    Copper, a critical mineral for renewable energy, electric vehicles, batteries, smartphones, and data centres, is in high demand worldwide. With global copper shortages looming, Reko Diq is poised to play a key role in supplying international markets.

    Foreign investment

    Islamabad hopes the Reko Diq project will serve as a catalyst for foreign investment in Pakistan’s mineral sector, including rare earth exploration. The government has already drawn interest from the Trump administration in the US, with potential concessions for American companies.

    Beyond ADB, financing discussions are underway with the International Finance Corporation (IFC), US Export-Import Bank, Export Development Canada, and Japan’s JBIC. Saudi Arabia’s Manara Minerals is also in talks to acquire a 10—20% stake valued between $500 million and $1 billion, further strengthening strategic investment ties.

    Jobs, community development

    The Reko Diq mine is set to become a major employment hub, with the workforce peaking at around 7,500 during construction and stabilising at 4,000 skilled workers during operations. Barrick Gold has launched training and social development programs to prepare local communities for long-term employment opportunities.

    In addition, the project is expected to bring infrastructure upgrades, healthcare, and education facilities to Balochistan, ensuring that local communities directly benefit from the mine’s development.

    Timeline

    • 2025 — Construction phase expected to begin, subject to securing $3 billion in project financing.

    • 2028 — First production of copper and gold expected by the end of the year.

    • 2034 — Phase two expansion to double ore processing capacity from 45 mtpa to 90 mtpa.

    • Beyond 2060 — Potential to extend mine life through further exploration and technological upgrades.

    Turning point

    The Reko Diq copper-gold mine represents a turning point for Pakistan’s economy, promising vast revenues, global investment, and sustainable job creation. With ADB’s $410 million backing and growing international interest, the project is not just a mining venture but a strategic resource hub for the global clean energy and digital economy.

    Ashfaq has been storming the UAE media scene for over 27 years. As Senior Assistant Editor, his insights, analysis and deep understanding of regional dynamics have helped make sense of the unfolding news. 


    He’s the go-to guy for deep dives into the South Asian diaspora, blending heart, and hardcore reporting into his pieces. Whether he’s unpacking Pakistani community affairs, chasing down leads on international political whirlwinds, or investigative reports on the scourge of terrorism and regional drama — Ashfaq doesn’t miss a beat.  


    He’s earned kudos for his relentless hustle and sharp storytelling. Dependable, dynamic, and unstoppable, Ashfaq does not just report the news, he shapes it.  

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  • Sindh minister’s brother booked under ATA in Karachi

    Sindh minister’s brother booked under ATA in Karachi

    Farhan Ghani, Sindh Local Government Minister Saeed Ghani’s brother and Chanesar Town Chairman, has been booked by Ferozabad police under terrorism and other serious charges, after he and several associates allegedly attacked a supervisor overseeing underground optical fiber cable work.

    Hours after the case was lodged, Farhan Ghani and others appeared at the police station and surrendered, sources said.

    According to the FIR (No. 843/2025) filed on the complaint of Hafiz Sohail Ahmed Jadoon, the complainant was supervising cable-laying work when 20 to 25 men arrived in vehicles.

    Among them, he identified Farhan Ghani, son of Usman Ghani, Qamar Ahmed Khan, Shakeel Chandio, Sikandar, and Rohan.

    One of the men allegedly summoned him and asked under whose authority the digging work was being carried out.

    Jadoon stated he introduced himself and explained that the project was a government initiative with No Objection Certificates (NOCs) from all relevant authorities.

    Despite this explanation, the complainant alleged, some of the men misbehaved with him, physically assaulted him, and issued threats of serious consequences.

    Police registered the case under sections of assault, rioting, attempted murder, criminal intimidation, and Section 7 of the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA).

    Following the FIR, police launched a search for the nominated suspects.

    However, according to sources, Farhan Ghani and others later reached the Ferozabad police station and surrendered themselves.

    No official confirmation of their arrests was available till the filing of this report.

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  • Birmingham communities rally to help Pakistan flood victims

    Birmingham communities rally to help Pakistan flood victims

    Audrey Dias

    BBC Midlands Today

    BBC A group of six men, five of whom are wearing religious headwear, are posing for a photograph. They are standing in front of a building that has a glass door. Several of the men are wearing blue high-visibility jackets.BBC

    The Faizan Global Relief Foundation is helping coordinate aid shipments being sent from Birmingham

    Although they are thousands of miles apart, the devastation caused by floods in Pakistan is being felt in Birmingham.

    The Faizan Global Relief Foundation in Stetchford is raising funds and organising aid shipments to help the communities affected after heavy rains wreaked havoc across the country in August.

    More than 900 lives were lost, and thousands of homes were destroyed, leaving communities in dire need of assistance.

    Head of the foundation, Syed Muhammad Faisal Sami, said he had seen the devastation. “I was there – their houses were gone, their family, their livelihood gone,” he said.

    “They had mud in their house because when the cloud burst with the water, heavy mud came.”

    He said the charity was providing rations, food packs and water and was working with a team of doctors and volunteers to mobilise support for those affected.

    The foundation’s efforts were also focussed on restoring critical infrastructure, he added.

    Mr Sami is due to go to Pakistan next week to oversee and coordinate rebuilding operations on the ground, in Jhelum.

    “We have promised with the commissioner of [Jhelum] that we will rebuild the houses for them, and especially the mosque and the community centres and the school for them as well,” he said.

    A man wearing a blue high visibility jacket and black religious headwear. He has a beard and is stood by a glass door with charity banners behind him.

    Volunteer Talib Hussain says they wanted to support communities affected by the floods in Pakistan

    In Pakistan, one eyewitness said: “I’ve seen the children, they’ve lost their parents, even the parents we have seen were crying because they have lost their children as well.”

    Back in Stetchford, volunteer Talib Hussain, also expressed his concern: “It’s a very emotional time for us and therefore we want to help our families back in Pakistan.”

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  • KP govt announces salary deductions to support flood victims

    KP govt announces salary deductions to support flood victims

    The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) government has announced salary deductions from public, semi-government, and private sector employees to generate funds for the relief and rehabilitation of flood-affected families.

    According to a notification issued by the provincial Finance Department, officers in Grade 17 and above will contribute two days’ basic salary, while employees from Grades 1 to 16 will donate one day’s salary. The deductions will be implemented starting with the August 2025 payroll.

    The decision was approved in a recent provincial cabinet meeting, where officials emphasized the urgency of mobilising resources for displaced families. The collected funds will be utilised to provide temporary shelter, food, medical support, and other essential services in flood-hit areas.

    Recent monsoon floods have caused massive destruction across multiple districts, including Battagram, Bajaur, and Mansehra, leaving 368 people dead, 182 injured, and over 1,300 homes and 100 schools damaged, according to official figures.

    The provincial initiative complements federal measures, with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and his cabinet pledging one month’s salary to aid victims in KP. Relief operations are also underway in coordination with the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), which has dispatched medical teams, food, and tents to the worst-affected areas.

    Authorities said the move reflects a collective commitment to accelerating recovery efforts and ensuring timely assistance for families in need.


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  • All you need to know about Pakistan’s first bullet train

    All you need to know about Pakistan’s first bullet train

    Pakistan Railways Minister Hanif Abbasi, who announced the plan earlier this year, said the high-speed rail would not only modernise Pakistan’s ageing railway network but also provide a cheaper and faster alternative to air travel. The project will be executed with the support of Chinese firms, including the China Railway Construction Corporation.

    A game-changer for travel and trade

    The bullet train will operate along a 1,215-kilometre route between Karachi and Lahore, with major stops in Hyderabad, Multan, and Sahiwal. Designed for speeds of up to 250km/h, the train will cut the journey down to five hours, compared to the current 18—22 hours on express services like the Green Line.

    Ticket prices are expected to range between PKR 5,000 and 10,000 for economy and business class, far below average airfare (PKR 20,000—30,000), making it accessible to students, professionals, and families, according to Pakistani media.

    Double tracks

    The ML-1 upgrade includes laying double tracks, rebuilding old bridges, and installing advanced signalling systems to replace Pakistan’s century-old rail infrastructure, currently limited to 60—105km/h.

    Earlier this year, Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz Sharif has already greenlit the Lahore—Rawalpindi Bullet Train Project. The proposed rail link is expected to reduce travel time between the two major cities to just two and a half hours, a dramatic improvement from the current four to five hours journey.

    Lahore-Karachi bullet train project timeline

    • Feasibility study: Completed in June 2025

    • Construction: To begin in 2026, with completion targeted for 2030

    • Testing phase: Scheduled for 2029

    • Launch: Expected in 2030, with 10—15 daily trips planned

    Job creation

    Beyond faster travel, the project is projected to create thousands of jobs during construction and operation, boost regional trade, and increase Pakistan’s freight rail share from 4% to 20% by 2030. It is also expected to reduce reliance on costly road transport, saving billions in fuel imports.

    A bold step

    If completed on schedule, the Lahore—Karachi bullet train will redefine how Pakistanis travel, offering an affordable, high-speed option rivalling air travel. Officials say the initiative could also strengthen Pakistan’s role in regional trade by linking eventually to a future Kashgar—Karachi rail line under CPEC.

    “This project is not just about reducing travel time. It’s about reshaping Pakistan’s economy, creating opportunities, and connecting people like never before,” said Abbasi.

    Route and features

    • Distance: 1,215km from Karachi Cantonment to Lahore Junction

    • Major stops: Hyderabad, Multan, and Sahiwal

    • Speed: Maximum 250km/h, average 243km/h

    • Travel time: Reduced from 18—22 hours to just 5 hours

    • Economic boost: Connects Pakistan’s economic hubs (Karachi and Lahore), increasing trade and raising rail freight share from 4% to 20% by 2030.

    • Job creation: Thousands of jobs in Sindh and Punjab during construction and operations,

    Ashfaq has been storming the UAE media scene for over 27 years. As Senior Assistant Editor, his insights, analysis and deep understanding of regional dynamics have helped make sense of the unfolding news. 


    He’s the go-to guy for deep dives into the South Asian diaspora, blending heart, and hardcore reporting into his pieces. Whether he’s unpacking Pakistani community affairs, chasing down leads on international political whirlwinds, or investigative reports on the scourge of terrorism and regional drama — Ashfaq doesn’t miss a beat.  


    He’s earned kudos for his relentless hustle and sharp storytelling. Dependable, dynamic, and unstoppable, Ashfaq does not just report the news, he shapes it.  

    Continue Reading

  • Ruet-e-Hilal Committee meets today to sight Rabi-ul-Awwal moon

    Ruet-e-Hilal Committee meets today to sight Rabi-ul-Awwal moon

    The Central Ruet-e-Hilal Committee is meeting in Islamabad today (Sunday) to sight the crescent of Rabi-ul-Awwal 1447 Hijri.

    The session is being chaired by Committee Chairman Maulana Abdul Khabir Azad. Meanwhile, zonal and district moon sighting committees are also holding their meetings at their respective headquarters.

    The announcement regarding the sighting of the moon will be made later in the day by the Central Ruet-e-Hilal Committee after receiving reports from across the country.


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  • Pakistan’s capital shuts hiking trails amid heavy rain alert

    Pakistan’s capital shuts hiking trails amid heavy rain alert

    Pakistan’s deputy PM seeks ‘forward-looking’ ties with Bangladesh, urges revival of SAARC forum


    ISLAMABAD: Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar said on Saturday his country wanted a “forward-looking” relationship with Bangladesh based on what unites the two nations, while calling for the revival of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation to help deliver peace and prosperity across the neighborhood.


    Dar’s visit follows months of increased official contacts after ties began to ease in the wake of Bangladesh’s former prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s ouster last year in a popular uprising. Hasina, widely viewed as close to India and critical of Pakistan, fled to New Delhi soon after her downfall, straining relations between Dhaka and New Delhi.


    The shift also created space for Bangladesh and Pakistan – once a single nation until the bloody 1971 war of independence – to reset relations.


    Dar, who arrived in Dhaka earlier today, is on the highest-level trip by a Pakistani official to Bangladesh since Hasina’s ouster.


    “Notwithstanding the twists and the turns of history, the people of Pakistan have fraternal sentiments toward the people of Bangladesh and hold them in the highest esteem,” he said, as he addressed a gathering at the Pakistan High Commission. “We recognize and respect the sovereign choices of the Bangladeshi nation, and believe in a future where our relations are defined not by what divides us, but what unites us.”



    Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar arrives in Dhaka on August 23, 2025, on a two-day official visit to Bangladesh. (Handout/MoFA)


    “I wish to underscore the strong desire of the government of Pakistan to forge a cooperative and forward-looking relationship with Bangladesh,” he added.


    Dar noted the Pakistan-Bangladesh relations had seen “a number of positive developments” over the past year, citing significant progress across multiple streams of cooperation.


    He pointed out that the frequency of high-level exchanges had increased, institutional mechanisms were being revived, economic and commercial ties were gaining momentum and educational and academic collaborations were being explored alongside cultural exchanges, describing the current phase as marked by “new energy and fresh enthusiasm.”



    The Pakistani deputy prime minister added both countries shared common ground on several regional and international issues and reiterated support for reviving SAARC, a forum that has largely been dysfunctional since 2016, when India boycotted a planned Islamabad summit amid tensions with Pakistan.


    No leaders’ summit has been held since. Pakistan’s push to revive the bloc comes as ties with India are at a low for both Islamabad and Dhaka.



    Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar arrives in Dhaka on August 23, 2025, on a two-day official visit to Bangladesh. (Handout/MoFA)


    “South Asia, home to nearly a quarter of humanity, cannot afford to lag behind in regional cooperation and integration,” the deputy PM said. “We are hopeful that SAARC will be reinvigorated, and our distances will shorten.”


    Earlier, Dar met leaders of Bangladesh’s newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), a student-led movement that spearheaded the protests which unseated Hasina.


    The party, formally launched earlier this year, has called for a “second republic” with a new constitution aimed at strengthening democracy and social justice.


    Its emergence has reshaped Bangladesh’s political landscape, challenging decades of dominance by traditional parties and giving voice to younger generations.


    Dar emphasized the need for greater interaction between the youth of the two countries.


    As part of his outreach to political stakeholders, he also met a delegation of the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami party and discussed ways to strengthen bilateral relations between the two nations.


    Additionally, he interacted with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party leadership and affirmed his country’s commitment to stronger ties on the basis of mutual respect and benefit.


    The Pakistan deputy PM is scheduled to meet Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus and senior officials including Adviser for Foreign Affairs Md. Touhid Hossain and Adviser for Commerce SK Bashir Uddin during his two-day stay in Dhaka.

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  • Monsoon and disaster are not Siamese twins – Newspaper

    Monsoon and disaster are not Siamese twins – Newspaper

    TUESDAY, Aug 19, 2025, should stand as yet another dark day in the history of Karachi as heavy monsoon showers lasting a little over a couple of hours left the city completely paralysed. Thousands were stranded as wastrels in charge watched powerlessly … or, worse, smugly. Let us not mince words: this was not an act of nature, but a showcase of institutional rot — a height of inefficiency, a shameless betrayal of public trust, and criminal complicity in human suffering.

    From Surjani Town to Clifton, and from Gulshan-i-Hadeed to Merewether Clock Tower, roads became rivers of rainwater mixed with sewage, garbage and all sorts of filth.

    Broken vehicles and buses floated like lifeless wrecks. Motorists found themselves trapped for hours in gridlock with a sense of utter abandonment as there were no official machinery on the roads; not even the traffic police.

    The worst part of the whole chaos was that it was not even unexpected. It was a predictable result of decades of continued hollow claims and a culture of impunity. With leaders shamelessly posing for cameras, all this was bound to happen.

    Monsoons are natural, but disaster is not. However, the city administration and the provincial government clearly seem to have missed the line between the two, treating them as Siamese twins.

    Majid Burfat
    Karachi

    Published in Dawn, August 24th, 2025

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  • A big test ahead – Newspaper

    A big test ahead – Newspaper

    SINO-Pak relations initially evolved within a geo-economic framework after the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

    However, over time, security considerations have increasingly overshadowed economics, leaving the relationship struggling between the two domains. On the other hand, Pakistan-US relations have historically been strategic and security-centric, but today, they also face the challenge of balancing security with geo-economic priorities.

    Ultimately, the real test lies with Pakistan’s establishment — whether it chooses to prioritise geo-economics or maintain deeper, security-centred strategic ties with both global powers. Nevertheless, these options will inevitably come with conditions attached.

    Apparently, China’s foremost concern remains security. At the same time, the US emphasises the economic dimension, framing its engagement as both an opportunity for financial advantage and a means to elevate Pakistan’s political profile, particularly in the context of the changing politics of South and West Asia. Pakistan’s geography is undoubtedly a strategic asset, complemented by its aspiration to project itself at a level comparable, if not equal to, India’s military, strategic and political stature, at least in a sustainable sense.

    Two perspectives emerge in this regard. One holds that maintaining strong ties with both China and the US can help Pakistan achieve this status. The other, less popular but arguably more pragmatic, view contends that without ensuring political stability and sustained economic growth at home, such ambitions will remain elusive.

    Maintaining an exclusive relationship with both China and the US is a delicate task.

    However, maintaining an exclusive relationship with both is delicate, especially when there is a contrast in the approach towards and expectations from each other. The phrase ‘de-securitisation of bilateral relationship between the US and Pakistan’ is echoing in Islamabad. But, it remains unclear whether the two nations, which have maintained close security-related ties for over 75 years, will suddenly shift the paradigm, especially when other avenues for cooperation are limited in scope.

    Indeed, Pakistan scored a significant boost when it secured a deal with the US on 19 per cent tariffs, opening the door to the expansion of its exports with reduced competition. For much of the past two decades, however, Pakistan’s trade relationship with Washington has been marked by a structural imbalance; the US imports more from Pakistan than it exports, leaving an annual deficit that has averaged between $2 billion to $3bn.

    Lower tariffs mean Pakistan must recalibrate its trade strategies. On the surface, its recent negotiations for textile concessions and the decision to import, according to reports, a billion dollars’ worth of US crude oil appear to be tactical measures to ease the strain. Similarly, discussions on crypto cooperation and energy resources exploration carry a futuristic tone, holding some potential to generate political capital and sustain bilateral confidence.

    Nevertheless, neither country can detach itself from the broader framework of security cooperation, whether in counterterrorism or regional stability. Washington’s decision to designate the Majeed Brigade of the Balochistan Liberation Army a foreign terrorist organisation — Islamabad’s long-standing demand — reflects an unusual convergence of interests in this sphere.

    Yet, a serious test for Pakistan could arise if Washington, in tandem with Saudi Arabia, presses it to endorse the Abraham Accords. Such a move would almost certainly come with binding conditions, foremost among them a recalibration of Pakistan’s Iran policy. Within this context, Balochistan assumes added significance, not only for its role in regional geopolitics but also for the allure of its untapped rare earth mineral reserves.

    Outside these contexts, if the US genuinely seeks to de-hyphenate security from its relationship with Pakistan, the question remains: how can this be achieved while engaging primarily with Pakistan’s defence establishment, which by its very nature prioritises security? Successive civilian governments have attempted to reframe their ties with Washington on non-security grounds.

    The last serious effort came under the PPP government after 2008, when, in the aftermath of Benazir Bhutto’s assassination, the party mistakenly thought that it could alter the trajectory of bilateral relations. The attempt backfired. The Kerry-Lugar Bill, which was supposed to broaden cooperation beyond security, instead became a flashpoint, straining US-Pakistan ties and unsettling the civil-military balance at home.

    Another perspective available in the geopolitical domain is that the developments of 2025 do not represent a pivot away from India but a diversification of Washington’s approach to South Asia.

    For Pakistan, the opportunity is unprecedented: a chance to reduce overreliance on China, broaden its partnerships, and restore a measure of strategic balance. Yet history warns of how often such openings have been squandered by short-term thinking, institutional fragility and shifting global priorities. The test lies not in the signing of agreements but in their consistent implementation.

    If Islamabad can deliver reforms and Washington sustains its commitments, the deal may indeed evolve into a long-term framework of cooperation. If not, it risks becoming just another episode in the long and uneasy history of Pakistan-US relations, full of grand announcements, followed by quiet disappointments.

    Pakistan’s establishment does not see any major challenge in balancing its close ties with China while exploring new avenues with the US. It’s also not overly worried about growing China-India ties, knowing their relationship has never been truly strategic and remains uncertain in the near future. Pakistan’s confidence is anchored in its robust defence partnership with China and remains largely intact, even in scenarios where Beijing and New Delhi might coordinate strategies to outmanoeuvre US President Donald Trump.

    Chinese diplomacy, however, tends to be far less vocal than Washington’s, and is often conveyed through understated gestures. The Chinese foreign minister’s recent visit to Islamabad centred on security, CPEC and new initiatives. Significantly, just a day earlier, he had been in Kabul for a trilateral security meeting.

    Media reports suggest that while China and Afghanistan have advanced discussions on joining the BRI, momentum to extend CPEC into Afghanistan has cooled. The Taliban, meanwhile, appears eager to cultivate an exclusive relationship with Beijing, independent of Pakistani influence, and China has agreed to connect Afghanistan through Central Asia via direct links. This is a signal that Rawalpindi and Islamabad would do well to interpret with care.

    The writer is a security analyst.

    Published in Dawn, August 24th, 2025

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