LAHORE: Thousands of flood-affected residents in Tehsil Alipur of Muzaffargarh district are left to survive on their own, marooned without access to food, shelter, and essential supplies after the district administration officially ended rescue and relief operations, despite vast areas remaining submerged.
The decision has plunged already vulnerable communities into a deeper crisis. In water-logged villages including Azmatpur, Lati Marhi and Bait Nabi Shah, stagnant floodwater continues to fill homes, but with official relief channels severed, families have nowhere to turn.
The administration has also shut down relief centres established in local schools, compelling displaced individuals to return to their destroyed or inundated houses.
The scale of the disaster is immense. Of the 14 union councils in Tehsil Alipur, 11 were swallowed by floodwaters. Officials estimate that nearly 400,000 of the tehsil’s 700,000 people have been affected and forced to abandon their homes.
District official links provision of further relief to completion of damage assessment survey
For residents like Abid Khan, this means living under the open sky.
“All of the houses in our basti have collapsed,” Mr Abid said. “We have to live under the sky. We did not get any tents, and my children and other family members have to spend the day under the scorching sun.”
Khan, from the Azmatpur area, added that his family has no ration and no fodder for their surviving cattle, which are their primary source of livelihood.
Muzaffar Gopang from the village of Kundrala said his family has been without a roof for 15 days.
“Our house collapsed and water is still inundating our low-lying area. We cannot even go back,” he said. Mr Gopang stated their cattle are stranded on riverbanks without fodder and that families feel completely cut off. “The authorities did not visit our areas.”
Describing the scene of utter destruction, he reported floodwaters reaching 10 to 12 feet. “All the houses of Basti Chandia have washed away. We are helpless and waiting for any relief. Ministers and officials visited other areas, but we did not receive any help.”
Others reported receiving no aid at all. Ghulam Fareed Chandia from Bait Mullanwali said his community has not received a single packet of ration in over two weeks.
“No one from the ministers or the district and tehsil administration has visited us,” he said. “All the houses of Basti Chandia have washed away. We are helpless and waiting for any relief.”
Muzaffargarh Deputy Commissioner Usman Tahir Jappa confirmed the conclusion of the rescue and relief phase.
“The rescue and relief operation was completed, and we are now starting a survey to address the issues of the people,” Mr Jappa told Dawn. He added that relief would be provided after the damage assessment survey is completed.
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (R) welcomes Pakistan’s PM Shehbaz Sharif in Riyadh on Sept 17, 2025. (SPA)
My beloved brothers and sisters in Pakistan —
I write to you today not in any official capacity, but as one who spent nine years among you as the Kingdom’s envoy, and who carries enduring gratitude for the love and respect shown to me and my leadership.
The recent signing of the Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan marks a turning point in our already extraordinary journey together. For me, this moment is more than a diplomatic milestone — it is a deeply personal affirmation of a bond that is unshakable, enduring, and sacred.
It has been almost a decade and a half since I left Islamabad, my second home, but my memories of Pakistan are as vivid as ever. I recall the warmth of your hospitality, the depth of your friendship, and the courage with which your nation faced adversity during some of its darkest hours. With the direction and guidance of my leadership, I was proud to stand with you in the aftermath of the 2005 earthquake, and I witnessed your resilience during the trials and of terrorism and war.
That resilience is what makes Pakistan eternal.
As I noted in my recent Arab News column, the pact is a natural progression of our long-standing cooperation. Here, I wish to speak more personally to the people of Pakistan about the depth of history and the human bonds behind it.
The new defense pact is not simply about armies, weapons, or deterrence. It is about reaffirming our shared destiny. It is the culmination of decades of solidarity, sacrifice, and shared vision between our nations. It states in the clearest terms that aggression against one will be considered aggression against both, and that together, we will preserve peace and stability in our region. For the people of Pakistan, this agreement is a reassurance that your brothers in Saudi Arabia will never leave you alone. For the people of the Kingdom, it is a reminder that we have in Pakistan not only an ally but also a family.
This moment is more than a diplomatic milestone
Dr. Ali Awadh Asseri
This mutual affection between leaders and peoples has always been consistent. When Pakistan emerged as a sovereign state in 1947, King Abdulaziz sent his heartfelt congratulations to Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, praying that Pakistan become a strong pillar of Muslim brotherhood. Jinnah’s reply, pledging unity on the solid rock of Islam, laid the cornerstone of our friendship. King Faisal then transformed these words into deeds, calling Pakistan our “second line of defense” and ensuring that Saudi Arabia would stand by you in every trial. King Fahd, King Abdullah, and King Salman each, in their time, extended this unwavering support to Pakistan in moments of difficulty and triumph alike.
And then, in 2019, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, speaking in Islamabad, touched every Pakistani heart when he declared: “Consider me Pakistan’s ambassador in Saudi Arabia.”
Few words have ever captured the soul of our relationship so perfectly.
Since the beginning, Saudi Arabia has stood by Pakistan in every storm — whether in times of devastating floods and earthquake, or when you endured crippling sanctions after the nuclear tests. And in turn, Pakistan has always stood by the Kingdom, whether advancing our shared interests, standing ready to defend the Two Holy Mosques and cities of Makkah and Madinah, or sharing the burdens of war and peace. The new pact signed in Riyadh is not the start of something new; it is the culmination of more than half a century of such steadfast solidarity.
What makes our relationship exceptional is that it transcends politics. Governments change, leaders change, but the bond between the people of Saudi Arabia and the people of Pakistan never wavers. Each year, millions of Pakistanis travel to Makkah and Madinah for Hajj and Umrah, fulfilling a sacred duty that links our souls across centuries. Millions more have lived and worked in the Kingdom over the decades, building our cities and contributing to our prosperity. Their hard work and loyalty form a bridge of trust between our nations that no challenge can break.
This agreement, therefore, is not only the work of our leaders — it is the voice of the people. In Riyadh, I have seen the joy of Saudi citizens waving Pakistani flags as the pact was signed, just as I have heard of the jubilation in Islamabad and Lahore. Social media lit up with prayers and messages of love and happiness from both sides. This public embrace is proof that the agreement reflects the true will of our peoples.
At this historic moment, it is fitting to salute the leadership of Pakistan, past and present, for safeguarding this partnership. Successive prime ministers, presidents, and army chiefs have nurtured it with care, and today Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Gen. Asim Munir have raised it to a new peak. Their pragmatic leadership has restored Pakistan’s rightful place in global and regional diplomacy, crowned by this landmark security agreement with Saudi Arabia. I also welcome the support shown across party lines, including by Imran Khan, while paying special tribute to Nawaz Sharif, under whose tenure Pakistan became the first Islamic nuclear power. This spirit of unity is our greatest strength and must be preserved.
For Saudi Arabia, the security and stability of Pakistan are not matters of policy alone — they are matters of faith. We know that when Pakistan is strong, the Muslim world is stronger. We also know that your economy, your stability, and your political unity are vital not only for you but for us all. The Qur’an reminds us: “And hold firmly to the rope of Allah all together and do not become divided.” Pakistan’s destiny lies in its unity. Political stability, policy continuity, and economic progress are essential for Pakistan to realize its full potential, and it is my heartfelt prayer that your great nation continues to advance, contributing to the prosperity of both our countries and the wider region.
The pact is defensive in nature. It does not threaten anyone; rather, it guarantees peace. It builds upon decades of defense cooperation: from the 1960s, when Pakistani officers trained the Royal Saudi Air Force, to the 1980s, when thousands of Pakistani troops stood guard on Saudi soil, to the joint counterterrorism efforts of recent decades. It reflects not a sudden shift, but the natural progression of a trust forged over generations. Today, it takes this history to the next level, institutionalizing a security partnership that has grown steadily for more than half a century.
The conclusion of this agreement is a testament to the visionary leadership of the crown prince, whose foresight has transformed the Kingdom and elevated its partnership with Pakistan to new heights. It reflects his deep affection for Pakistan and his far-sighted vision of bringing our two nations closer than ever, establishing him as a messenger of peace, progress, and moderation for Saudi Arabia and the wider region. This milestone embodies the unshakable trust, brotherhood, and shared destiny of our two nations, united in the service and well-being of our peoples and the greater Muslim Ummah.
Our bond is not written in treaties; it is engraved in hearts
Dr. Ali Awadh Asseri
But beyond defense, this pact creates a shield under which our nations can build prosperity. Vision 2030 is transforming the Kingdom, opening new horizons of opportunity in industry, technology, and culture. Pakistan, with its youthful population, talented professionals, and entrepreneurial spirit, is a natural partner in this transformation. Already, we see growing investment ties, cooperation in energy, and new prospects for skilled Pakistani workers in our mega-projects. Defense gives us security and peace, but economic partnership will give us strength and prosperity.
Our bond is not written in treaties; it is engraved in hearts.
Together, we can create a future where Riyadh and Islamabad are not only protectors of peace but also engines of growth.
Above all, let us remember where the essence of our relationship lies: in the hearts of our people. Ordinary Pakistanis carry Saudi Arabia in their hearts as the land of Islam’s holiest sites. Ordinary Saudis feel pride and gratitude for Pakistan as the shield of the Muslim world. These sentiments are not orchestrated; they are genuine, passed down from generation to generation. They explain why, even when governments face challenges, the bond never weakens. They explain why this agreement was welcomed not with hesitation but with joy. These themes, which I explore in depth in my forthcoming book, are at the heart of why our relationship has endured across generations.
My beloved brothers and sisters, the signing of this pact is not the end of a journey — it is the beginning of a new chapter. It is a chapter in which Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, bound by faith and fortified by strategy, stand together as a beacon of unity in the Muslim world and as a pillar of peace in our region.
I share these reflections as a retired diplomat and independent scholar, guided only by my deep affection for Pakistan and its people. From the bottom of my heart, I thank you, the people of Pakistan, for your unwavering love, your loyalty, and your prayers. You have given me memories I will cherish forever, and a bond I will never relinquish. Our past binds us, our present unites us, and our future calls us to even greater triumphs — together.
• Dr. Ali Awadh Asseri has served as the ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in Pakistan (2001-2009) and Lebanon (2009-2017). He is currently the Deputy Chair of the Board of Trustees at Rasanah, the International Institute for Iranian Studies, based in Riyadh. He received the highest state honors for his distinctive diplomatic service, including the Hilal-e-Pakistan, the State Order of Lebanon, and the Order of King Abdulaziz and the Order of King Faisal. He holds a Ph.D. in Economics from Beirut Arab University, and is the author of “Combating Terrorism: Saudi Arabia’s Role in the War on Terror” (Oxford University Press, 2009).
Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Arab News’ point-of-view
PESHAWAR: Pakistan security forces killed 17 militants linked to the banned Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in a joint operation in northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, police said on Saturday. The joint intelligence-based operation was conducted by Frontier Corps and the police on Friday, said district police officer Karak Shahbaz Elahi. The operation was conducted in the Karak district.
Security forces kill 17 Pakistani Taliban in intelligence-based operation in northwest
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan’s security forces carried out an intelligence-based operation in the country’s northwest, the military said on Saturday, killing 17 Pakistani Taliban who had established a presence in the area.
The country’s tribal districts in northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province have been prone to militant violence by members of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), an umbrella group of insurgent factions.
The TTP, which the Pakistani state refers to as “Fitna al Khwaraj,” a term from Islamic history denoting a violent rebel group, has been blamed for hundreds of attacks in the region.
Islamabad accuses the group’s leadership of operating from Afghanistan with support from India, charges both Kabul and New Delhi deny.
“On night 26/27 September 2025, Security Forces conducted an intelligence based operation in Lakki Marwat District, on reported presence of khwarij belonging to Indian Proxy, Fitna al Khwarij,” the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) said in a statement. “During the conduct of operation, own troops effectively engaged the khwarij location and resultantly, seventeen Indian sponsored khwarij were sent to hell.”
The military said weapons and ammunition were recovered from the fighters, who it added were involved in numerous attacks against security forces, law enforcement agencies and civilians.
A “sanitization operation” was continuing in the area to deal with any of their accomplices, it continued.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif praised the security forces, according to a statement circulated by his office, saying the militants’ “nefarious designs were foiled due to the professionalism and timely action of our forces.”
“The government and security forces are determined to eradicate terrorism completely … the scourge of terrorism will soon be uprooted,” he was quoted as saying.
Lakki Marwat has suffered attacks ranging from drive-by shootings at police checkpoints to major bombings in the past.
While the district does not directly border Afghanistan, it lies within reach of the porous frontier belt where militant groups often operate.
The area is also close to Bannu, where earlier this month militants attacked a paramilitary base with a suicide car bomb, triggering a 12-hour clash that killed six security personnel, six militants, and left 19 others wounded.
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur, who is a senior PTI leader, asserted on Saturday that his provincial government did not support any operation — a reference to military action in various parts of the province against militants.
Addressing a PTI rally in Peshawar, he said, “We will not allow any operation and do not support it … Federal government, listen. The KP government does not support operation or displacement.”
Gandapur called on the “federal institutions” to talk to Afghanistan and resolve the issue of terrorism in the country.
“We don’t want war and we will raise our voice against it,” he added.
Gandapur has been shifting positions on the matter.
In July, he said in a heavily-edited video message that the armed forces were in the province at the request of the KP government and should be treated as “guests” and with respect.
This came in complete contrast to another video statement issued by him following a PTI parliamentary meeting a day ago, in which he said that innocent civilians were martyred in a military offensive launched against militants in Bajaur district. He added that such operations had a negative impact and eroded trust between people and the forces.
Meanwhile, the PTI remained opposed to military action.
More recently on Tuesday, he said that mortar shelling, drone strikes and using fighter jets against terrorists was the constitutional right of the military and that the provincial government could not stop it.
Gandapur calls for justice
At the rally today, the KP CM also urged the judiciary to serve justice in line with the Constitution. “Deliver justice to Imran Khan, his wife and the people,” Gandapur said.
The CM further stated that PTI’s struggle for ‘Haqeeqi Azadi’ would continue until it achieved success.
Addressing army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, he said, “It is obligatory on you to play your role and sort out Imran’s issue” just as the PTI founder had played his role during the May conflict with India asked the people to stand with the armed forces.
Earlier the rally, PTI leader Faisal Javed announced that “video messages” from Imran would be played at the rally.
“In a while, Imran Khan will speak to you on this screen, Peshawar,” he said.
Later, a video of an address by Imran was played, but it seemed to be from a previous public gathering.
Party leader Azam Swati also addressed the gathering and vowed to stand tall and “continue to bear cruelty and barbarity” until Imran’s release from jail. He expressed the hope that Imran would soon come out of jail and lead the country towards development, prosperity and peace.
PTI Chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan lauded the party’s followers for standing together during the brief war with India in May.
“This is the eighth rally since the elections and Pakistan has changed greatly since February 8,” he said. “In May, despite (Imran) Khan sahib being wrongfully imprisoned and not allowed to see his family, you stood with the rest of Pakistan and defeated our thuggish enemies.”
Gohar added that the PTI lost its mandate in these elections, but said that Imran was confident the courts would restore it. However, he continued that “the 26th Constitutional Amendment killed that hope”.
“Our rally is not a power show. The world is saying that 90 per cent of people are in favour of Khan sahib — 200 million people rise at his call,” the PTI chairman said. “They want to demand one thing: this rally is for us to raise our voices and show our concerns. Injustice in one place means injustice will be everywhere.”
Quoting Imran, Gohar demanded free courts, a strong parliament and democracy.
“It is your duty to hear our voice,” he emphasised, addressing the government. “Do not silence the voice of 90pc of our people; end injustice, end military operations; end these wrongful convictions. We want justice. We have approached the courts for it and will continue to fight for it.”
He closed out his speech with a message from the PTI founder: “I will not compromise or make deals, I will not bend and I will remain in this country. But as long as I am here, I will stand up and live my life and will not let my country bend the knee.”
PTI Information Secretary Sheikh Waqas Akram delivered a fiery speech branding the federal government “thieves and killers” and slamming the Punjab government’s flood relief efforts.
“Today, [Imran] Khan has called you all here … it is his rally. This is a rally for a man who has been stripped of his rights and locked in prison for standing for the right thing and sacrificing for future generations,” Akram said, addressing the crowd.
“He endures every problem, mistreatment and 22-hour isolation, but remains standing in the face of it all.”
The party spokesperson said that if there were true freedom, PTI figures including Shibli Faraz, Omar Ayub, Ahmed Bachar, Aliya Hamza, Ayesha Bhutta, Khadija Shah, Zartaj Gul, Dr Yasmin Rashid and Sanam Javed would not have been “jailed for 10 years”.
“Why did this happen? Because there is no true freedom. This is a government of slaves, thieves and mandate stealers,” Akram declared. “If there were true freedom, what happened to the flood victims at the hands of this shameless government would not have happened.
“Look at what the KP government — Imran Khan’s government — has done: we disbursed billions to flood victims and rehabilitation has started. In Punjab, [Punjab Chief Minister] Maryam Nawaz has not even completed the initial survey. She is a liar, chasing photo-ops.”
Akram impressed on the crowd that “these people are not your leaders”.
“They are thieves and killers; they murdered your vote. Will you endorse these murderers? Will you condemn them?”
PTI Secretary General Salman Akram Raja took to the stage, emphasising that his party will not end its struggle until the “system of oppression” is brought down.
“I was sitting with Imran Khan in Adiala Jail. I asked him what message he has for you all. He said: ‘Tell my nation that I will never bend before hardship. I am in jail because I value every drop of blood my nation sheds’,” Raja said.
“Today, KP is drenched in blood: ours, the innocents and that of our martyrs. Balochistan, Punjab, Sindh, Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan are all drenched in blood. Oppression is everywhere.”
Raja paid tribute to martyrs, stating that “their mothers’ tears are our tears”.
“The martyrs of Tirah ask when this system of oppression will end,” he declared, referring to those affected by a recent airstrike in KP’s Tirah area. “I bring a message from Imran Khan: our struggle, our movement, will only end when the oppression does.”
Raja then demanded the release of the PTI founder, as well as other party leaders and activists, who he said were “imprisoned without rights” and given “false punishments by military tribunals”.
PTI stalwart Asad Qaiser said that the people of KP demand only one thing and that is peace.
“We will not allow military operations in our province under any circumstances,” he emphasised. “We are tired of wars; we will not be a part of one.”
Qaiser also demanded that the federal government settle matters with Afghanistan through diplomatic channels and jirgas.
“We in KP and Afghanistan share deep relations, so we want trade and relations so that there is peace and jobs in our province,” he stated. “I am hopeful that Ali Amin Gandapur will convince this ‘Form 47’ federal government to do so.”
The PTI leader and ex-national assembly speaker noted that there needs to be peace in this region.
“We appreciate the Saudi pact, but if this country is going to progress, then it needs to establish trade relations with regional nations.”
Rally arrangements
According to information shared by the PTI on social media, party workers and supporters have reached Peshawar from across the country to participate in the rally.
While television channels did not air it, the PTI employed social media to broadcast the event online.
Earlier, a statement issued by the office Peshawar Chief Capital Police Officer Mian Saeed Ahmed detailed the security and traffic plan ahead of the rally.
The statement read that 1,451 police personnel would be deployed as part of security arrangements and sniper shooters would be stationed on the roofs of the buildings round the rally’s venue.
Meanwhile, 508 traffic personnel would be deployed at different spots under the traffic plan, the statement said.
Several PTI leaders visited the rally’s venue and examined arrangements before the event. They included Imran Khan’s sister Aleema Khan and PTI provincial president Junaid Akbar.
Ahead of the gathering, PTI General Secretary Salman Akram Raja said on Friday that the party’s rally in Peshawar would raise a strong voice across the country against lawlessness, constitutional violations and restrictions on freedom of speech.
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan, China, Russia and Iran have urged Afghanistan to take “effective, concrete, and verifiable actions” to dismantle militants groups operating on its soil, according to a joint statement issued after a quadripartite meeting in New York.
Officials of the four countries met on the sidelines of the 80th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) session and reaffirmed their support for Afghanistan as an independent and peaceful state “free from terrorism, war and narcotics,” but underlined the need to prevent militants from using its territory.
Pakistan, China, Russia and Iran have been holding quadripartite consultations on Afghanistan since 2017, which aim to promote regional stability and coordinate efforts to counter militancy, narcotics and extremism. The grouping seeks to facilitate political dialogue and regional economic integration in Afghanistan.
“The four sides expressed deep concern over the security situation related to terrorism in Afghanistan, noting that terrorist groups such as ISIL, Al-Qaeda, the Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Jaish Al-Adl, Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and other similar groups in the region including Majeed Brigade, as well as others, based in Afghanistan, continue to pose a serious threat to regional and global security,” the statement said.
“They emphasized that strengthening peace and stability in Afghanistan and countering the threats of terrorism, radicalism, and drug crime emanating from its territory are in line with their common interests in the region.”
There was no immediate response to the statement by Kabul.
The development comes amid a surge in militancy in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan provinces, which border Afghanistan, with a majority of attacks claimed by the TTP and Baloch separatist groups like the BLA. Islamabad has frequently accused Afghanistan of allowing the use of its soil for militant attacks against Pakistan, Kabul denies it.
Meanwhile, the Jaish Al-Adl (Arabic for ‘Army of Justice’), a Baloch militant group operating from the borderlands between Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan, mainly the Sistan-Baluchestan triangle, has claimed several attacks on Iranian security forces this year.
“The four sides urged the Afghan authorities to take effective, concrete and verifiable actions in fulfilling the international obligations and commitments made by Afghanistan to fight terrorism, and dismantle, and eliminate all terrorist groups, and to prevent recruitment, fundraising and their access to weapons, as well as their collaboration with foreign terrorist fighters,” the quadripartite statement said.
“The four sides further urged the Afghan authorities to dismantle any terrorist training camps or any other terrorist infrastructure on their soil.”
Pakistan, China, Russia and Iran also urged Afghan authorities to create conditions that facilitate the return of Afghan refugees to their homeland, prevent further migration, and take serious measures to ensure returnees’ livelihoods and reintegration into political and social processes to achieve a lasting solution.
“The four sides expressed appreciation for the regional countries, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan, for hosting millions of Afghan refugees. They urged the international community and donors to provide, adequate, predictable, regular, and sustainable financial support and other necessary assistance, in line with the principle of international responsibility and burden sharing, for time-bound and well-resourced repatriation of refugees back to Afghanistan,” it added.
The new mutual defence treaty inked by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia astounded many. It came just days after the Gulf region was shell-shocked by Israeli strikes on a Hamas compound in Qatar.
The pact comes at an especially volatile time in the wake of both Iranian and Israeli strikes on Doha, uncertainty over the future of Tehran’s nuclear programme, and clashes between India and Pakistan in May.
“Even those accustomed to dramatic developments in the Middle East and South Asia were caught off guard by the announcement,” said Joshua White from the Brookings Institution.
While the agreement follows decades of close military ties between the countries, questions remain unanswered regarding its exact parameters, particularly any potential nuclear dimensions.
“The pact clearly formalises and deepens decades of Saudi-Pakistani security and defence cooperation, building on a landmark 1982 protocol agreement,” said White, which saw a significant deployment of Pakistani troops to Saudi Arabia.
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“There are a large number of Saudi military personnel who have been trained by Pakistanis, and there are Pakistani officers seconded within the Saudi Ministry of Defence,” added Camille Lons, a Gulf expert at the European Council on Foreign Relations.
According to Lons, the pact likely resulted from lengthy negotiations.
“We must be cautious in linking it directly to recent developments in the region, although the broader analysis that sees it as a response to growing Israeli power in the region and Saudi doubts about American security guarantees remains valid,” she told AFP.
For Syed Ali Zia Jaffery from the Center for Security, Strategy and Policy Research at the University of Lahore, “Pakistan will find this agreement as a way to show its growing importance in the security architecture of the Middle East,” while Saudi Arabia, which has long relied on US muscle, “is looking to diversify its sources of security”.
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What About Nukes?
Pakistan is believed to have around 170 nuclear warheads, according to the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, but how they factor into the deal remains ambiguous.
There has been no official statement from either side about the establishment of a nuclear umbrella.
To date, only two such agreements exist: the US nuclear umbrella covering its European allies and Russia’s protection of Belarus.
Several Saudi and Pakistani voices have hinted at this possibility.
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Saudi Arabia included “conventional and non-conventional means in the treaty text,” a retired Saudi general told AFP, speaking anonymously due to the sensitivity of the topic.
“We made it very clear and written that it includes the Pakistani nuclear weapons,” he added.
Saudi analyst Ali Shihabi, known to be close to the royal court, also told AFP that “nuclear is an integral part of this agreement”.
Regional experts, however, have asserted that the situation is far from clear.
“Pakistan does not have any nuclear umbrella and there is just no evidence to suggest that Pakistan plans on providing one to Saudi Arabia,” said Jaffery.
“Pakistan’s nuclear doctrine, policy, posture, strategy, and capabilities are only India-centric.”
Others suggested a lack of clarity on the issue may be intentional.
“It’s impossible to know the details of any potential arrangement in this area,” added Bruno Tertrais from the Foundation for Strategic Research in Paris, “because that’s part of deterrence: what’s often referred to as strategic ambiguity.”
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And India?
Saudi Arabia maintains good relations with Delhi, Pakistan’s main rival.
India’s rapidly developing economy relies heavily on petroleum imports, with Saudi Arabia being its third-largest supplier, according to the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
“Would Saudi Arabia get involved in an escalation between Pakistan and India? I don’t think so. That would go completely against the kind of diplomacy Saudi Arabia is trying to pursue — which, like India, is one of multi-alignment,” explained Lons.
The signing of the pact comes just months after Pakistan and India fought an intense four-day conflict — one of the worst crises between the arch rivals in decades.
So how would Saudi Arabia react to renewed hostilities?
“Riyadh’s instinct would be to stay passive, preserving hard-won trade equities with India while honouring its security obligations to Pakistan,” said White.
“That balance will now be harder to sustain.”
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The Saudi–Pakistan strategic defence pact signals a high-stakes gamble, intertwining regional rivalries with nuclear risks. Its implications extend beyond Pakistan, demanding careful vigilance and analysis from India and the wider region.
The recent signing of a strategic mutual defence agreement between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan on 17 September 2025 marks a significant geopolitical development. While some in India attempt to downplay its importance—viewing it merely as the formalisation of longstanding defence cooperation—such a reading risks underestimating its wider implications.
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have indeed shared deep military ties since the Cold War era. Pakistan has historically provided military assistance to Saudi Arabia, often in exchange for financial aid, training, advisory support, and even stationing troops in the kingdom. The new agreement formalises this relationship as a binding commitment, stating that “any aggression against either country shall be considered an aggression against both.”
Notably, Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif confirmed that Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities “will be made available” to Saudi Arabia under the terms of the agreement, heightening both regional security concerns and the risk of undermining the global nuclear non-proliferation regime.
At the same time, the agreement introduces uncertainty into Pakistan’s defence posture. Unlike earlier informal arrangements, this pact transforms bilateral cooperation into an institutionalized framework with binding commitments.
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This shift means that in the event of a crisis involving Saudi Arabia—whether with Iran, Yemen’s Houthis, or in broader regional rivalries—Pakistan would be compelled to respond militarily. This is very dangerous for Islamabad, as it has now entered turbulent and risky geopolitical waters, potentially being drawn into conflicts where its own national interests are marginal, while New Delhi must remain alert to the implications for regional stability.
Strategic Diversion and Blood for Dollars
These ties also play into Pakistan’s ideological identity, since the state has consistently justified its existence on religious grounds. By projecting itself as the guardian of the holy sites of Mecca and Medina, the Pakistani establishment strengthens its claim to legitimacy—especially at a time when it faces internal discontent, public anger over the imprisonment of Imran Khan, and a crisis of legitimacy.
Yet, beneath the optics of religious solidarity lies a dangerous reality. Many rational voices in Pakistan already fear the agreement could drag the country into Middle Eastern conflicts, such as Yemen and other areas. Given Pakistan’s proximity to Iran and the region’s volatility, this agreement could destabilize Islamabad more than it strengthens it.
The agreement also shifts Pakistan’s strategic focus away from domestic challenges and its border with India. By diverting resources and attention to foreign theatres, Islamabad risks weakening its internal security, leaving it vulnerable to both insurgency and economic instability.
Pakistan often laments that it lost nearly 90,000 lives during the so-called “War on Terror” because of its alignment with U.S. policies. Yet, once again, it risks entanglement in conflicts not of its making, shedding more blood of its people for others’ wars.
Moreover, if Pakistan becomes militarily involved in Yemen or elsewhere under this pact, it may find itself a direct target of Iran and other geopolitical actors with stakes in the region. It may also expose itself as a more direct target for actors such as Israel, which has both the capability and precedent of projecting influence across the region through intelligence and covert operations.
The Middle East is a highly volatile region and a chessboard of great power and regional rivalries, making it easy for states to become entangled in conflict and difficult for them to extricate themselves. Even greater powers find it challenging to navigate and balance relationships there; for Pakistan, this is especially difficult because it is economically vulnerable, geostrategically dependent on both China and the U.S., and lacks independent agency. Additionally, Pakistan shares a long border with Iran, further complicating its geostrategic calculations.
The security dilemma in international politics illustrates that every defence pact inevitably provokes counter-alliances. These reactions and counter-reactions intensify challenges, elevate expectations, and create new vulnerabilities.
History—from the World Wars to the Cold War—shows that alliances seldom ensure stability; they often exacerbate insecurity. For Pakistan, already struggling with internal insurgency, diverting resources and attention to Middle Eastern conflicts risks leaving domestic challenges unaddressed and further increasing its strategic vulnerabilities.
Moreover, Pakistan’s military hardware—particularly U.S.-supplied F-16s and other key platforms—cannot realistically be deployed against Israel or other U.S. allies without American consent, which Washington would never grant given its close relationship with Israel. One should also remember that Pakistan’s Noor Khan Airbase remains under U.S. surveillance and de facto control.
While Pakistan possesses nuclear weapons and delivery platforms, operational deployment in sensitive scenarios may still face indirect constraints due to geopolitical pressures and existing military agreements. While some might suggest the use of Chinese systems, they are of lower quality, as exposed during Operation Sindoor.
Even China does not fully trust its air defence systems; it primarily seeks to sell them to other countries for profit. For example, China uses Russian-made S-400 air defence systems itself while supplying less capable platforms to other states.
This limits Pakistan’s options and its ability to act independently, as it may also have to seek Chinese permission before utilizing its military platforms—and it remains uncertain whether China would grant such permission.
Even Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, historically justified as a deterrent against India, cannot credibly be extended to Saudi Arabia without violating the global non-proliferation regime and inviting international backlash. Pakistan’s past record—particularly the A.Q. Khan network that transferred sensitive nuclear technology and centrifuge designs to states such as North Korea, Iran, and Libya—already underscores global concerns about its role as a proliferator.
If Islamabad appears to make its nuclear umbrella available to Riyadh, it would revive those anxieties and set a dangerous precedent, encouraging Iran and others to seek similar capabilities, potentially turning again to suppliers such as North Korea or even Russia. Such a development could fuel further proliferation risks, escalate regional rivalries, and inject greater instability into an already volatile Middle East.
There is also a moral cost. Pakistan risks reducing its soldiers to mercenaries—shedding blood in foreign deserts for Saudi dollars. While the elite’s children remain safe in London or Dubai, the common Pakistani soldier and citizen will pay the price, whether in terms of lives, security, or economic hardship.
Saudi Arabia may provide Islamabad with financial, diplomatic, and moral support, including symbolic gestures on Kashmir. However, Riyadh will never put its own troops on the ground against India. The burden of blood will remain Pakistan’s alone.
Historically, Pakistan has acted as a “paid mercenary,” providing military services for money, destroying its relationships with countries, and later complaining about terrorism and its consequences. This pattern risks repeating itself under the new agreement.
No Room for Complacency
For India, this agreement cannot be dismissed as “just formalization.” The language of “mutual defence” and “strategic” carries deep meaning and must be studied carefully in today’s geopolitical context, not merely through the lens of past ties.
India enjoys strong geoeconomic and geostrategic relations with Saudi Arabia. Millions of Indians live and work there, and New Delhi and Riyadh have institutionalised cooperation across multiple domains. Recently, Saudi Arabia has also moderated its stance on Kashmir, especially after India abrogated Article 370; there was no significant hue and cry from these Gulf countries as used to be the case earlier.
Moreover, Saudi Arabia issued a statement clarifying that the pact is “purely defensive and not aimed at any third country.” Nevertheless, India must remain vigilant, as the agreement’s mutual defence commitments could still have implications for India’s strategic environment.
At a minimum, New Delhi should seek clarity from Riyadh on the terms of this agreement and ensure that Saudi commitments to Pakistan do not undermine Indian security. Trusting historic patterns, assuming that Saudi Arabia’s closeness with the U.S. will neutralize the risks, or relying on repeated assurances from Riyadh, is dangerous. In geopolitics, determinism and historicism are illusions; consequences, not intentions, define outcomes.
Conclusion
The Saudi–Pakistani defence agreement reflects Islamabad’s old habit of trading military services for financial relief. Yet, the consequences today are far more dangerous than in the past. By stepping into Middle Eastern rivalries, Pakistan risks antagonising Iran, Israel, and other geopolitical actors. Worse, the implicit nuclear dimension threatens the fragile global non-proliferation order.
For Pakistan, the pact may provide short-term benefits but will likely lead to long-term insecurity. Beyond financial gain, Pakistan may now face long-term consequences from direct involvement in Middle Eastern conflicts, increased internal instability, and reputational risks in the nuclear domain.
The agreement benefits Saudi Arabia more than Pakistan, while exposing Islamabad to immediate and future strategic vulnerabilities. For India, it is not an event to downplay but a development to watch with open eyes, measured analysis, and proactive diplomacy.
Ultimately, this agreement is more a strategic gamble than a stabilizing alliance—one that risks drawing Pakistan into conflicts beyond its capabilities, while further complicating the already turbulent landscape of South Asia and the Middle East.
Dr. Imran Khurshid is an Associate Research Fellow at the International Centre for Peace Studies (ICPS), New Delhi. He specializes in India-US relations, Indo-Pacific studies, and South Asian security issues.
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