On August 5 and 7, Lebanon’s cabinet met to discuss the fraught issue of Hezbollah’s disarmament. The first session ended with an announcement from the government that the Lebanese army would be tasked with forming a plan of action and carrying it out before the end of the year. The second session ended with all four Shia members of the cabinet who attended the session walking out in protest. The cabinet then voted in favor of a plan, pushed by the US, to disarm Hezbollah.
Bringing Hezbollah’s weapons under the control of the Lebanese state would bring an end to the era in which the group maintained military superiority. It would also be a boon to Hezbollah’s domestic opponents; both reformers and members of the sullied political establishment that created the conditions under which Hezbollah kept their weapons after the 1989 Taef Agreement that ended the civil war, and despite the 2000 Israeli withdrawal and subsequent end to the south’s occupation (with the exception of the Shebaa Farms area).
Some of those opponents treat Hezbollah’s arms as the sole issue holding back the country. While that is hardly true, bringing Hezbollah’s weapons under state control would be a big victory for the reformist government and president which have been in power since the beginning of the year. And they need all the support they can get, locally and internationally.
Eight months into their tenure, however, few of the promises [Aoun and Salam] had made have come to pass
Hezbollah’s military and political influence was heavily diminished after last year’s brutal Israeli war on Lebanon. This gave the opportunity for a new president, Joseph Aoun, and prime minister, Nawaf Salam, to be named earlier this year, marking a potential new phase in Lebanese politics. Eight months into their tenure, however, few of the promises they had made have come to pass, and Lebanon is currently going through its most sensitive phase with the current attempts to bring Hezbollah’s weapons under the control of the Lebanese state.
For the Lebanese government to gain the faith of the population, exert its control over the entirety of Lebanese territory, and convince Hezbollah and a segment of their supporters that it can disarm and that the state has the best interest of all citizens at heart, it needs to stabilize South Lebanon. However, Israel has continued to act with impunity, violating the ceasefire that has been in place since November 2024 hundreds of times, and is still occupying Lebanese land.
Israel’s aggression undermines the Lebanese government’s efforts at state building and reconstruction, and only one party can get them to stop: the United States. Instead, Aoun and Salam reportedly risked losing US and international support over the lack of progress in disarming Hezbollah, as the US is pushing for an unrealistic timeline to resolve the issue.
A new page in Lebanese politics
In September 2024, Israel launched a full-on war and major ground invasion of Lebanon for the fourth time in 50 years. A ceasefire that aimed to end the war, stop Israeli attacks, withdraw the Israeli military from southern Lebanon within two months, pull back Hezbollah’s fighters north of the Litani River and to deploy the Lebanese Armed Forces in their place, came into effect on November 27, 2024.
As the dust settled from Israel’s offensive, much of the eastern Bekaa Valley, the South, and Beirut’s southern suburbs were devastated and lying in rubble. Already amid one of the worst economic and financial collapses, Lebanon does not have the funds to rebuild, though it desperately needs to rebuild the destroyed areas. The World Bank estimates $11 billion is needed for reconstruction and recovery.
After coming to power, Aoun and Salam announced reformist agendas aimed at rebuilding the damaged parts of Lebanon, pushing for accountability for the financial collapse and port explosion, and bringing all military capability under the supervision of the state—essentially a call to disarm Hezbollah as a militia. They both brought with them a wave of optimism, both domestically and internationally. However, the international community, primarily the United States but also the countries of the Arab Gulf, tied badly needed reconstruction aid to the issue of reforms and disarming Hezbollah, limiting the new leadership from the beginning.
Patience is starting to wear thin among the Lebanese population and there is a deep desire to see progress
The Lebanese government made some progress concerning economic reforms that had been blocked for at least five years, including an important win by lifting banking secrecy and some other banking reform legislation. Lebanon’s Minister of Social Affairs Haneen Sayed also wrote on X that her ministry was giving “more than 260,000 Lebanese in areas directly impacted by the war…direct cash assistance…for a period of six months.” Still, patience is starting to wear thin among the Lebanese population and there is a deep desire to see progress.
The US has been more openly active in Lebanon. It seemingly has tied support for the reformist government to the issues of disarmament and economic reform, though the latter issue seems to have taken a back seat these last few months. While the US has pressed the Lebanese government hard, it has failed to ensure that their Israeli allies uphold their end of the ceasefire bargain.
In fact, the continued Israeli attacks and lack of power by the Lebanese state to react have led to some conspiracies that the new government, Salam in particular, are working either directly or indirectly on behalf of Israel. In May, when Salam visited Sports City in Beirut for the inaugural match of the Lebanese Premier League football championship, he was met with chants of “Zionist, Zionist, Nawaf Salam is a Zionist.”
It was an acute example of how a failure to stop Israeli assaults on Lebanese territory fuels misinformation campaigns and narratives that undercut the reform projects Salam and Aoun are undertaking, as well as emboldens calls from Hezbollah and their supporters for the need to hold onto their arms.
The disarmament timetable
The Lebanese army was tasked by the government to submit a plan on September 2 that will see them disarm Hezbollah before the end of the year. The initial cabinet session, held on August 5, to discuss the issue ended with two ministers—who are reportedly aligned with Hezbollah and their allies Amal—leaving in disapproval. The follow-up session ended with all of the Shia ministers in attendance leaving the session altogether.
Hezbollah is clearly displeased with the decision. The party’s chief Naim Qassem said he will treat the decision as though “it doesn’t exist,” while prominent Hezbollah MP Mohammad Raad called it akin to “suicide” for the group and Hezbollah MP Ali Mokdad said that the statement is only “ink on paper.” During a speech on August 15, Qassem said that the cabinet would “bear responsibility for any internal explosion and any destruction of Lebanon,” and accused the leadership of “leading the country to ruin.”
Aoun mentioned Qassem’s speech, and said that the threats of civil unrest were “words, and were not justified.”
For his part, President Aoun mentioned bringing all arms under the state’s authority in his inaugural speech after he was elected, and in the following months, he admitted that the process was “delicate.” After the cabinet decision of August 7, and ahead of US Special Envoy Tom Barrack’s visit, Aoun and Salam gave television interviews to discuss the matter. Salam said that “What matters to [the government] is that all these weapons come under the authority of the state,” and explained that “concretely, Lebanon [was] leaving the camp it has been in for decades.” Aoun mentioned Qassem’s speech, and said that the threats of civil unrest were “words, and were not justified.” He further explained that the country faced “two options: either accept the document and ask” the international community to have Israel stop attacking Lebanon, “or not accept it and see the aggressions and economic isolation of Lebanon intensify.”
Walking a tightrope
Lebanon’s government has to make progress on various issues, but it cannot succeed if Israel does not stop attacking Lebanese territory and undermining all efforts at state building and reconstruction. The United States has a big role to play in this matter.
Last month, US Special Envoy Barrack did not give assurances to the government about having Israel stop its attacks and has delivered conflicting messages on the US’ stance and support on multiple occasions. However, after his latest meeting with President Aoun on August 18, Barrack stated “the Lebanese government has done their part. They’ve taken the first step. Now what we need is Israel to comply.” Only time will tell if actions follow this statement.
The failure to hold Israel accountable undercuts any efforts the Lebanese state makes toward disarmament. And the fact that there has been no aid for reconstruction hurts the government directly. Indeed, many of the Lebanese from the most impacted areas of Israel’s attacks have seen little to no state support enter, increasing their frustration toward the authorities and not necessarily the countries that have been withholding the aid. Thousands of others are still displaced from villages that were razed during the war or during the ceasefire period.
Europe and the Gulf states also have a role to play. Gulf leaders, including Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman, showed they have the ear of US President Donald Trump when they convinced him to lift sanctions on Syria. A few Gulf leaders also want to see Hezbollah’s power diminished and have been thawing relations with the current government, after nearly a decade of disengagement with Lebanon.
They could also tell the Trump administration and Israel that the best way to build a strong Lebanese state and counter Hezbollah’s influence is to let the Nawaf government build faith among the Lebanese people. Stopping the attacks and abiding by the November 2024 ceasefire agreement is the first step toward building that faith. Supporting the reconstruction of the country is another priority that needs to be encouraged.
Should Aoun and Salam fail, the political establishment which led Lebanon to the current reality will potentially rebound and consolidate its control
The last six years have been brutal for residents of Lebanon, Lebanese and non-Lebanese alike. The endemic corruption and culture of impunity established at the tail end of Lebanon’s civil war from 1975 to 1990 manifested in complete economic collapse, mass emigration, and, for many, a loss of hope in Lebanon’s future. For decades, Lebanon’s political establishment has hoarded the country’s wealth and resources at the expense of citizens and residents of the country. It has derailed any attempts at justice or accountability for historic crimes.
For the first time in the post-civil war period, Lebanon has a chance at taking the first steps to build a state for all its citizens in a country that prioritizes justice and accountability and includes segments of the population historically under or unserved by the state. These are the bare minimums needed for Lebanon to begin rebuilding, reforming, and becoming a place where people can live in dignity. Should Aoun and Salam fail, the political establishment which led Lebanon to the current reality will potentially rebound and consolidate its control over every lever of government and return to the status quo where all efforts at reform were stifled.
As the talk over disarmament heats up, so too does political and social tension in Lebanon. The Lebanese government will need to walk a tightrope to manage that tension by showing they are building a project for all Lebanese citizens, no matter the sect or geographical disposition. To walk that tightrope, the government will need all the help it can get.
Justin Salhani is a Nonresident Fellow at TIMEP focusing on misinformation and disinformation in the Levant.