Category: 2. World

Across Gaza, there are protests against price speculation. In some places, shops are being forcibly closed. Indeed, the prices of essential goods have soared to unimaginable levels, beyond anything dictated by the forces of supply and demand. People cannot understand why goods cost so much despite their minimal purchasing power. The prices I saw while walking at the market were insane: a kilo (2.2lb) of flour – 40 shekels ($12), a kilo of rice – 60 shekels ($18), a kilo of lentils – 40 shekels ($12), a kilo of sugar – 250 shekels ($73), a litre (1 quart) of cooking oil – 200 shekels ($58).

Since Israel imposed a full blockade on Gaza in March, the normal aid distribution through the United Nations – something that has to happen unabated in any warzone – has ceased.

To stave off global criticism, Israel set up humanitarian hubs to supposedly distribute aid. But they have been nothing more than death traps. Many of those who come to collect aid are shot at, and thousands have been killed or wounded.

In parallel, the Israeli government started allowing in a very small quantity of aid trucks, but a large portion of those are looted once they enter Gaza. The goods are then resold at outrageous prices.

Those who control this supply of looted food are powerful merchants and brokers, often protected by local influential actors or benefitting from indirect coordination with Israel. These actions are not spontaneous. They take place within a deliberately created atmosphere of chaos. With the collapse of state institutions and absence of legal accountability, exploitation has become the rule, not the exception.

It is clear to the Palestinians that the occupation doesn’t merely aim to show that Gaza is weak. It actively seeks to prove that it is ungovernable. To achieve this, closing the borders isn’t enough. The people of Gaza must be pushed into a state of constant chaos and friction.

Starvation is a key instrument here. Hunger doesn’t only kill. It also changes human nature. A starving person, stripped of the bare minimum needed to survive and subjected to daily humiliation, slowly loses the ability to think clearly, to judge or to restrain themselves from turning against those they perceive – rightly or wrongly – as contributing to their suffering.

There are black markets and war profiteers in every conflict. But in this one, the occupying power is encouraging these criminal activities, not because it is earning money from them, but because it serves its overall goal. The Palestinians who choose to participate in this form of extortion are motivated by greed, blackmail or survival.

This slow unravelling is exactly what the occupation has aimed for. It wants chaos in the streets of Gaza so Israeli and international media can be quick to point a finger at the Palestinians and declare: “Look, the Palestinian people are imploding. They can’t govern themselves. They don’t deserve a state.”

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Excerpted: ‘Palestinians won’t tolerate war

profiteering in Gaza’. Courtesy: Aljazeera.com

Innovation is now the key driver of global economic growth, surpassing traditional factors like natural resources or cheap labour. Countries that invest in education, science, technology, and innovation (ESTI) while engaging the private sector are leading in productivity and competitiveness.

Nations such as South Korea, China, Finland and the US have transformed into high-tech economies through long-term policies that promote innovation. Using the Triple Helix model – linking universities, industries and governments – they’ve built knowledge-based economies. Pakistan, facing low growth and outdated industries, must learn from these models to bridge the gap between research and commerce for sustainable development.

The financial returns from innovation are vast. South Korea’s rise from a war-torn country to the world’s 13th largest economy was driven by investments in R&D and technical education. Its per capita income soared from $158 in the 1960s to over $36,000 today. Aligning university curricula with industry needs and strong private sector involvement, especially by firms like Samsung, were key. Samsung alone invests over $21 billion annually in R&D, showing how private enterprise can power national innovation. In contrast, Pakistan’s private sector R&D remains negligible, hindered by shortsighted government policies and weak industry-academia collaboration.

China’s innovation-led economic surge is perhaps the most striking. From 2000 to 2023, China increased its R&D spending from 0.9 per cent to over 2.6 per cent of GDP, totalling around $470 billion annually – second only to the US. Through targeted state programmes like ‘Made in China 2025’ and aggressive investment in science and technology parks, China has become a global leader in AI, 5G, semiconductors and green technology. Its high-tech exports now exceed $940 billion annually.

Crucially, the private sector is the main driver of this innovation surge, with companies like Huawei, Tencent, and BYD each investing tens of billions in R&D every year. Huawei alone has over 110,000 R&D employees, more than half of its total workforce. Huawei recently announced the development of a solid-state battery that can go up to 3000 km on a single charge and that can be charged within five minutes, the time taken to fill a tank with petrol. Once commercialised, it will change the face of the global automobile industry.

In the US, government agencies such as DARPA, NIH and NSF invest billions of dollars annually in scientific research. In 2023, NIH alone provided over $47 billion in research grants. Many groundbreaking technologies – like GPS, the internet and mRNA vaccines – originated from publicly funded research later commercialised by private firms such as Moderna, Apple and Google. The results are clear: innovation-driven industries now contribute over 40 per cent of the US GDP.

By contrast, Pakistan presents a starkly different picture. Despite a young population, a strategic geographic location and significant natural resources, the country lags behind in nearly every indicator of innovation. According to the Global Innovation Index 2023, Pakistan ranked 88th out of 132 countries, far behind regional peers like India (40th), Iran (62nd), and Vietnam (46th). Pakistan’s R&D spending remains dismally low – less than 0.16 per cent of GDP – compared to India’s 0.7 per cent, Iran’s 0.9 per cent and China’s 2.6 per cent. Fewer than 50 patents are filed annually by Pakistani universities and industry-academia collaboration remains almost non-existent.

The private sector’s role in promoting innovation in Pakistan is minimal. More than 99 per cent of research funding comes from the government, while businesses prefer traditional, low-risk sectors like textiles, real estate, and trade. As a result, Pakistan’s high-tech exports account for less than 1.0 per cent of its total exports, and per capita income stagnates at around $1,500. Moreover, the country is witnessing a severe brain drain: in 2023 alone, over 450,000 skilled Pakistanis emigrated, many of them scientists, engineers and IT professionals.

To build a competitive, knowledge-based economy, Pakistan must adopt the Triple Helix model through bold, coordinated reforms. Universities should prioritise research, entrepreneurship and industry collaboration, with incentives for patents and spin-offs. Rankings must reflect real-world impact, not just publications.

R&D spending should rise to 1.0 per cent of GDP within five years, with tax breaks for private sector investment. A $500 million National Innovation Fund should support key technologies like AI, biotech and renewables. Public procurement must favour local innovation and startups. These steps can help bridge the gap between academia, industry and government to drive sustainable economic growth.

Third, and most importantly, the private sector must step up as a key player in the innovation ecosystem. Pakistan’s large conglomerates should be encouraged or required to allocate at least 2.0 per cent of their annual profits to R&D with the government providing matching funds as an incentive. Much like India’s TATA Group or Reliance Industries, Pakistani firms must invest in long-term technology development, not just short-term profits. Private R&D labs, corporate research centres and industry-funded university chairs should become the norm, supported by government funding.

Pakistan should also invest in innovation infrastructure. Special Economic Zones (SEZs) should be expanded into full-fledged Technology Innovation Zones (TIZs) equipped with high-speed internet, co-working labs, prototyping facilities and venture capital offices. Strategic sectors such as clean energy, pharmaceuticals, and food security should be supported through targeted ‘technology missions’, similar to India’s National Missions in space and digital technology.

International collaboration will be crucial. Pakistan should form ‘Quad-style’ partnerships involving Pakistani industries and universities partnering with Chinese industries and universities for the manufacture and export of high-tech, high-value-added products, as outlined in my previous article in this newspaper. The Pakistani diaspora, particularly scientists and entrepreneurs, should be invited to mentor startups, invest in innovation funds and collaborate on research projects.

If Pakistan can make this transition, it has the potential not just to lift millions out of poverty, but to emerge as a serious player in the global knowledge economy. For this to happen, we need a motivated technocratic government.

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The writer is a former federal minister, Unesco science laureate and founding chairperson of the Higher Education Commission (HEC). He can be reached at: ibne_sina@hotmail.com

SAARC was established with the goal of promoting cooperation in the economic, social, technological and cultural fields. It was hoped it would eventually provide a framework for regional peace and development.

With Afghanistan becoming a member, this hope was further enhanced. However, after 40 years, Saarc has little to show for itself. The success of Asean provides a study in contrast. While it has contributed enormously to the strengthening of peace and development in Southeast Asia, Saarc has practically ceased to exist.

The reasons given include political tensions and bilateral conflicts, differing threat perceptions, institutional weaknesses, lack of political will, limited intra-regional trade, etc. The major reason, however, is that India has always been more interested in regional domination than regional cooperation.

In particular, the Indian demand that the issues of Kashmir and terrorism be resolved exclusively on the basis of its own demands has conveyed to the smaller countries of Saarc that if this is India’s attitude towards Pakistan, what chance will they have of getting a fair deal with regard to their own issues with India. As a result, Saarc has been unable to agree on a unified political agenda for peace and development.

India is much larger than all the other member states combined in area, population and size of economy. After its chastening experience of Operation Sindoor, one might have hoped India would now consider the possibilities for cooperation over hegemony.

The recent conflict also demonstrated that China has become a South Asian military, economic, political and strategic factor. This is a massive strategic development which seems to have stunned India into strategic paralysis. It is at a loss whether to continue the war or to cut its losses and embark on a course of regional cooperation and development, in which it could still be a leader if not a hegemon.

As long as India insists on regional hegemony, building peace and security will remain a pipe dream.

There have been other changes in South Asia. The change of government in Bangladesh; moves towards halting the deterioration in Pak-Afghan relations; the failure of the US to openly side with India against Pakistan; the failure of India to convince the international community that Pakistan was responsible for Pahalgam; and the international highlighting of the human rights situation in Indian-occupied Kashmir.

All this has compounded India’s regional predicament and domestic embarrassment, although the Modi government seems to be in no immediate danger.

The smaller countries of South Asia have always sought some sort of counterbalance to the overwhelming presence of India. The strategic entry of China into South Asia along with its globally attractive BRI, CPEC, and BRICS initiatives has confronted India with a strategic challenge. None of India’s alternatives to Saarc such as BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal) or Bimstec (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) have much attraction for the smaller countries of Saarc when compared with what China has to offer.

So, how can peace be built in South Asia? As long as India insists on regional hegemony, building peace and security will remain a pipe dream. Moreover, as long as India chooses to be a key player in the US Indo-Pacific Strategy of containing China, neither Pakistan nor any of the other smaller countries of Saarc will have much interest in seeing US global strategy prevail.

Nevertheless, Pakistan should not abandon efforts to improve relations with India. If they succeed, they will alleviate the concerns of the smaller Saarc countries that are not able to challenge India individually or collectively.

They will also reduce Indo-Pakistan tensions, which can progressively address the unending repression in occupied Kashmir. That can help revive Saarc as a credible regional organisation. It can also facilitate China’s vision for Asia as a region of shared prosperity instead of the US insistence on it being an accomplice in its quest for global hegemony.

Meanwhile, Pakistan will need to improve its global and regional image which depends on the quality of its democratic and economic governance including respect for the people’s demonstrated political preferences, the whole gamut of human rights, social justice, institutional credibility, space for dissent and protest, etc, far more than the prowess of its military on the battlefield or the astuteness of its diplomacy in the chancelleries of the world.

Unfortunately, Pakistan’s international ratings on good governance are among the worst in the world with all their implications and consequences.

Because an India normalisation policy is almost a non-starter today, Pakistan will need an effective ‘Rest of South Asia’ policy to present a credible alternative to Indian hegemony.

Pakistan must also disabuse itself of the illusion of balancing relations between the US and China. It should, of course, develop its bilateral relations with the US to the extent possible. But never at the risk of China suspecting the commitment of Pakistan to the fullest development of strategic relations with it. This risk is real because the US makes no secret of its strategy to contain the rise of China, and to assess its relations with China’s neighbours, especially Pakistan, according to the extent of their cooperation with this strategy.

After Operation Sindoor and Pakistan’s raised stature in the Muslim world and the Global South, there will be even less US tolerance for Pakistan maintaining any sort of ‘balance’ between the US and China.

Moreover, with the weakening of Iran, Trump and the US deep state as well as Israel will prioritise the prevention of Pakistan from becoming any kind of inspiration for resistance to Israeli and US genocide-based hegemony in the Muslim heartland.

Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence and its conventional military ‘fusion’ with China will become their policy focus.

In conclusion, for Pakistan to think it can sustain a strategic balance with the US and China is utterly unrealistic. Accordingly, the recent statement that ‘Pakistan-US ties must not be seen through China’s lens’ is very troubling, even if China has observed an eloquent public silence in response. The US will want to hold Pakistan to this unfortunate statement.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, India and China, and head of UN missions in Iraq and Sudan. The article is based on a talk he gave at Institute for Regional Studies, Islamabad.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2025

A YEAR has passed since the people of Bangladesh rose in defiance of a brutal autocracy, bringing an end to Sheikh Hasina Wajed’s 15-year rule. The image of protesters breaching the gates of Ganabhaban, dancing in its halls and swimming in its lakes, captured not just the collapse of a regime, but the arrival of a rare moment of collective power. Now, the Ganabhaban has been turned into a museum. Yet the country is still stuck in a dangerous limbo. The caretaker government led by Muhammad Yunus, the elderly Nobel laureate and a widely respected figure, promised a reset. It swiftly banned Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League from politics and moved to prosecute her allies for crimes ranging from corruption to crimes against humanity. But a year later, the roadmap to democracy remains vague. Political groups that once stood shoulder to shoulder are now at odds. Disagreement over the scope of constitutional reforms — including proposals for a bicameral legislature and electoral proportionality — has mired the National Consensus Commission in deadlock. Meanwhile, instability is rising. Crime is up, the police are demoralised, and rival political factions jostling for dominance in towns and tenders alike. While economic indicators have improved — inflation is down, reserves are up — political legitimacy is lagging.

The revolutionaries of 2024 did not march for indefinite caretaker rule, nor for one unelected elite to replace another. Bangladesh needs an election — not in early 2026, as currently promised, but much sooner. The longer the wait, the more brittle the interim consensus becomes. Crucially, the credibility of that election depends not only on reform but on inclusivity. Banning large swathes of the political spectrum may please the revolutionaries, but it will not restore democratic normalcy. Delay too long, and Bangladesh risks repeating the very cycle it sought to break.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2025

DHAKA: Thousands of exultant Bangladeshis gathered in Dhaka on Tuesday to mark the first anniversary of mass protests that toppled Sheikh Hasina, as the interim government unveiled a road map for democratic reform with a national election next year.

Rallies, concerts, and prayer sessions were held in the capital as people celebrated what they called a “second liberation”. The events culminated with Nobel peace laureate Muhammad Yunus reading out the “July Declaration”, which seeks to give constitutional recognition to the 2024 student-led uprising in response to repression and economic hardship that forced Hasina, then prime minister, to flee to India on Aug 5.

“The people of Bangladesh express their desire that the student-people uprising of 2024 will get proper state and constitutional recognition,” said Yunus, who heads the interim government installed after Hasina’s fall, as representatives of political parties looked on.

“The July Declaration will feature in the schedule of the reformed constitution as framed by the government formed through the next national election, he said.

Supporters see the charter as a foundation for institutional reform; critics say its impact could be largely symbolic in the absence of a legal framework or parliamentary consensus. Yunus said he would ask the election commission to organise national elections to be held in February 2026.

“We must ensure that no future government can become fascist again. The state must be repaired in such a way that whenever signs of fascism are found anywhere, it can be eradicated immediately,” he said.

Thousands join rallies, concerts one year after Hasina’s ouster

Political parties, particularly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, have urged that elections be held before the end of 2025 to avoid a political vacuum.

Yunus said next year’s election could be peaceful, fair and transparent. While Hasina’s Awami League remains suspended, many believe it should be allowed to participate despite its top leadership facing prosecution for alleged human rights violations during last years protests.

“Fallen autocrats and their self-serving allies remain active,”, Yunus said, urging unity to protect the gains of the uprising while his government holds talks with political parties and civil society. His government had already launched sweeping reforms while trials for those responsible for the “July killings” of 2024 were progressing swiftly, he said.

Mixed emotions

Crowds waving flags, holding placards, and chanting slogans gathered near parliament, including some who had been injured in the protests. “On this day in 2024, the tyrant Sheikh Hasina fled the country,” said Ahmedul Hasan. was here last year too. I’ve come again to remember that moment and join the celebrations.“ Others were less exuberant.

“Even after all the bloodshed and sacrifice, a truly liberal democracy in Bangladesh still feels like a distant dream,” said Sabbir Ahmed, a college student who joined the protests last year.

Police were on alert throughout the capital, with armoured vehicles on patrol to deter any attempt by the Awami League to disrupt events. “Let this anniversary not be a day of retrospection, but a rallying cry for a brighter tomorrow,” Hasina said in an open letter to the people of Bangladesh, adding that she had never resigned as prime minister.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2025

DEHRADUN: A flash flood driving a torrent of mud smashed into a town in India’s Himalayan region on Tuesday, killing at least four people with around 100 others missing.

The roaring waters tore down a narrow mountain valley, demolishing buildings as the flood barrelled into the town of Dharali in Uttarakhand state. “It is a serious situation,” Minister of State for Defence Sanjay Seth said.

“We have received information about four deaths and around 100 people missing. We pray for their safety.” Videos broadcast on Indian media showed a terrifying surge of muddy water sweeping away multi-storey apartment blocks in the tourist region.

Several people could be seen running before being engulfed by the dark waves of debris that uprooted entire buildings. Uttarakhand State Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami said rescue teams had been deployed “on a war footing”.

A wide swath of the town was swamped by deep debris. In places, the mud lapped at the rooftops of houses. State Disaster Response Force commander Arpan Yadu­vanshi said the mud was 50 feet (15 metres) deep in places, swamping some buildings entirely.

“Search and rescue efforts are ongoing, with all available resources being deployed to locate and evacuate any remaining stranded persons,” army spokesman Suneel Bartwal said. Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed his condolences in a statement, and said that “no stone is being left unturned in providing assistance”.

Chief Minister Dhami said the flood was caused by a sudden and intense “cloudburst”, calling the destruction “extremely sad and distressing”. The India Meteorological Department issued a red alert warning for the area, saying it had recorded “extremely heavy” rainfall of around 21 centimetres (eight inches) in isolated parts of Uttar­akhand.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2025

ISLAMABAD: The Foreign Offi­­ce (FO) on Tuesday rejected claims by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who had alleged that Pakistani nationals were involved in the Ukraine conflict, Dawn.com reported.

Zelensky had claimed on Monday that his troops in northeastern Ukr­aine were fighting foreign “mercenaries” from various countries, including China, Pakistan and parts of Africa.

A subsequent statement said the Foreign Office “categorically rejec­­ts the baseless and unfounded allegations of the involvement of Pakistani nationals in the conflict in Ukraine”.

“To date, Pakistan has not been formally approa­ched by the Ukrainian authorities, nor has any verifiable evidence been presented to substantiate such claims.”

The statement added that the government wou­ld take up this matter with the Ukrainian authorities, “and seek clarification in this regard”.

“Pakistan reaffirms its commitment to the peaceful resolution of the Ukrai­­ne conflict through dialogue and diplomacy, in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter,” the statement said.

The Pakistan governm­e­­nt has on separate oc­­ca­sions rebuffed allegations that the country was providing arms to Ukraine.

During a visit to Pakistan in July 2023, then-Ukra­inian foreign minister Dmytro Kuleba had rejected similar reports, clarifying that the two nations had no deals for the supply of arms and ammunition.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2025

There was no evidence of widespread bullying, harassment or misogyny at the Sentebale charity founded by Prince Harry, the charity regulator has found.

The Charity Commission has published its findings into whistleblower allegations that followed a bitter boardroom dispute that saw Prince Harry resign, along with several trustees, earlier this year.

No sanctions have been imposed on the charity, with the current leadership under Sophie Chandauka remaining in place, but the commission criticised “all parties” for allowing a “damaging” dispute to play out publicly.

Prince Harry’s spokesman criticised parts of the report as falling “troublingly short”, while the charity’s chair said the “adverse media campaign” from those who resigned caused “incalculable damage”.

The commission has given the charity, which supports young people in southern Africa, a regulatory action plan to deal with “governance weaknesses”.

It’s a bittersweet outcome for Prince Harry who has left the charity, which his spokesman said had been “deeply personal” to him.

Much of the criticism from the commission focused on how the internal dispute descended into such a public argument in the media, which it said had damaged the charity’s reputation.

The row had seen Prince Harry accused of being a “toxic” brand by the charity’s chair, Sophie Chandauka – and he had stepped down, saying his and the trustees’ relationship with her was broken “beyond repair” and that they had faced “blatant lies”.

“Sentebale’s problems played out in the public eye, enabling a damaging dispute to harm the charity’s reputation, risk overshadowing its many achievements, and jeopardising the charity’s ability to deliver for the very beneficiaries it was created to serve,” said Charity Commission chief executive David Holdsworth.

Prince Harry’s team welcomed the finding that there had not been evidence of bullying, though a spokesman said the report “falls troublingly short” in that the “consequences of the current chair’s actions will not be borne by her”.

Ms Chandauka remains at the head of the charity, with the watchdog finding no reason for her not to continue.

She said: “We are emerging not just grateful to have survived, but stronger.”

A Sentebale spokesman said that the report confirmed that the new trustees had been validly appointed and could move forward “free from interference”.

The Charity Commission also said that although there was no evidence of widespread or systemic bullying or harassment, including misogyny or misogynoir (discrimination against black women), it acknowledged a “strong perception of ill treatment felt by a number of parties” and said it wasn’t its role as a regulator to adjudicate on individual claims of bullying.

The commission has not sanctioned any individuals, but its regulatory action plan is meant to address problems such as a lack of clarity over roles and a better mechanism for handling internal disputes.

It warned of “weaknesses in the charity’s management” that had added to disagreements.

The report highlighted how tensions had risen around a new fundraising strategy in the United States, with some trustees believed to have raised concerns about the charity’s finances.

The action plan warns of the importance of “sufficient funding to enable the charity to deliver for its beneficiaries”.

The Charity Commission website is still showing Sentebale’s financial position from August 2023 – but sources close to the charity say it is in good financial health.

The charity had been a very personal project for Prince Harry, which made his resignation even more difficult. Sentebale had been co-founded with Prince Seeiso of Lesotho, with both honouring the legacies of their mothers.

“For 19 years, its dedicated staff and steadfast supporters have provided vital care to over 100,000 young people across southern Africa, including young people living with HIV/Aids and those facing mental health challenges,” said a spokesman for Prince Harry.

Prince Harry’s spokesman said the charity had grown to become a “flowering force for good” and that he will “now focus on finding new ways to continue supporting the children of Lesotho and Botswana”.

Ms Chandauka said: “Despite the recent turbulence, we will always be inspired by the vision of our founders, Prince Harry and Prince Seeiso.”

The Charity Commission concluded that those running charities should not let disagreements make them forget their initial good intentions and should focus on those they were trying to help.

“Passion for a cause is the bedrock of volunteering and charity, delivering positive impact for millions of people here at home and abroad every day,” said Mr Holdsworth.

“However, in the rare cases when things go wrong, it is often because that very passion has become a weakness rather than a strength.

“Moving forward I urge all parties not to lose sight of those who rely on the charity’s services.

“The current trustees must now make improvements and ensure the charity focuses on delivering for those it exists to serve.”

This week, news about a well-known Chinese monk going off the Buddhist path has triggered many discussions on Chinese social media.

The story revolves around Shi Yongxin (释永信), the head monk at China’s famous Shaolin Temple (少林寺) in Dengfeng, Henan. Shi is suspected of embezzlement of temple funds and illicit relationships, and is currently under investigation.

In recent days, wild rumors have been circulating online claiming that Shi fled to the United States after being exposed. On July 26, a supposed “police bulletin” began circulating, alleging that Shi Yongxin had attempted to leave the country with seven lovers, 21 children, and six temple staff. It also claimed he was stopped by authorities before exiting China, that he had secretly obtained U.S. citizenship a decade ago, and that he had misused donations and assumed fake identities.

Although that specific report has since been refuted by Chinese official media, it quickly became clear that there was real fire behind all that smoke.

Because despite all the sensationalized gossip (some posts even claimed Shi had 174 illegitimate children!), what’s certain is that Shi Yongxin seriously crossed the line. On July 27, 2025, the Shaolin Temple Management Office (少林寺管理处) issued an official statement through its verified channels, including its WeChat account. The statement read:

China’s Buddhist Association (中国佛教协会) also released a statement on July 28, in which it stated that, in coordination with the Henan Provincial Buddhist Association (河南省佛教协会), Shi Yongxin has been officially stripped of his monastic status.

Various Chinese media sources report that Shi Yongxin was taken away by police on Friday, July 25. Chinese media outlet Caixin suggests that it must not have come as a complete surprise, since Shi had allegedly already been restricted from leaving the country since around the Spring Festival period (late January 2025) (#释永信春节前后已被限制出境#).

 
About Shi Yongxin
 

Shi Yongxin is not just any abbot. He’s the abbot of the Shaolin Monastery (少林寺), which is one of the most famous Buddhist temples in the world and is known as the birthplace of Shaolin Kung Fu. The temple was founded in 495 CE. Besides being a Buddhist monastery, it also operates as a popular tourist attraction, a kung fu school, and a cultural brand.

Shi has been running the monastery for 38 years, a fact that also went trending on Weibo these days (#释永信已全面主持少林寺38年#, 140 million views by Monday).

Shi Yongxin is the monastic name of Liu Yingcheng (刘应成), born in Yinshang county in Fuyang, Anhui, in 1965. He came to Shaolin Temple in 1981 and became a disciple of abbot Shi Xingzheng (释行正), who passed away in 1987. Shi Yongxin then followed in his footsteps and managed the temple affairs. He formally became head monk in 1999.

Moreover, Shi Yongxin reportedly served as President of the Henan Provincial Buddhist Association since 1998 and as Vice President of the Buddhist Association of China since 2002.

Shi Yongxin was thus an incredibly powerful figure—not only because of the decades he spent overseeing temple affairs, but also due to his influence within public, institutional, and religious spheres.

Holding such a visible role, Shi Yongxin (释永信) also had (or has—though it’s unlikely he’ll ever post again) a Weibo account with over 882,000 followers (@释永信师父). His last post, made on July 24, was a Buddhist text about the ‘Pure Land’ (净土)—a realm said to make the path toward enlightenment easier.

That post has since attracted hundreds of replies. While some devoted followers express disbelief over the scandal, many others respond with cynicism, questioning whether anything about Buddhism remains truly ‘pure.’

One widely shared post shows an artist sitting in front of a painting of Shi Yongxin, writing, “Worked on this painting for six months, just finished late last night—feels like the sky’s collapsed.” The second picture, posted by someone else, says, “Just change it a bit.”

One aspect of the scandal fueling online discussions is the fact that Shi Yongxin had led the monastery for so long. Rumors about his “chaotic private life” and unethical behavior surfaced years ago, going back to at least 2015 (#释永信10年前就曾被举报私生活混乱#; #释永信曾被举报向弟子索要供养钱#). One of the questions now echoing across social media is: why wasn’t he held accountable sooner? “Who was protecting him?”

 
“The Tip of the Iceberg”
 

The Shi Yongxin scandal does not just hurt the reputation and cultural brand of the Shaolin Monastery; it also damages a certain image of Buddhist monks as a collective of people with true faith and integrity.

According to well-known knowledge blogger Pingyuan Gongzi Zhao Sheng (@平原公子赵胜), many people’s understanding of abbots or Buddhist masters (“方丈大师们”) is flawed, since it’s generally believed they attained their high positions within the monasteries due to their moral virtue or deep understanding of Buddhism. In reality, Zhao Sheng argues, these individuals often rise to power because they are skilled at earning money and gaining influence.

“To put it bluntly,” Zhao Sheng writes, “temples have been places of deception, corruption, opportunism, and exploitation since ancient times.”

The blogger argues that much of the influence and power of Buddhist masters was stripped away under Mao Zedong, but that some new famous monks rose in the 1980s, using their skills and connections to rebuild temples and turn them into thriving enterprises.

“If you want to find a few people in temples who truly have faith, who truly have personal integrity, and who are truly dedicated to saving all living things, it’s not that they don’t exist—but it’s rather difficult, like finding a needle in a haystack,” Zhao Sheng wrote.

Some commenters suggest that Shi Yongxin is just the tip of the iceberg (“冰山一角”). They believe that if someone as influential as him can be involved in such misconduct—despite whistleblowers having tried to expose him for over a decade—there must be many more cases of power abuse and corruption within China’s monasteries.

“I previously donated money to the temple,” one commenter on Xiaohongshu wrote: “Although it wasn’t much, it does make me a bit uncomfortable now.”

Another person posted that the Shi Yongxin scandal gave them a sense of despair.

Some older posts about the extravagant lifestyles of head monks — including their luxury cars — have also resurfaced online and are once again making the rounds, suggesting that netizens are actively revisiting other potential instances of misconduct within the monastic world.

One image that resurfaced online shows Shi Yongxin—allegedly driving an Audi Q7—alongside other abbots, such as Guangquan Fashi (光泉法师), the head monk of Lingyin Temple (灵隐寺), who is associated with a Ferrari.

More images like these are now circulating, as people delve into the ‘secret lives of monks’ beyond the spiritual, shifting focus to their material lives instead.

While the results of the investigation into Shi Yongxin are still pending, many netizens are already looking beyond him. One person writes: “Are you realizing now? It’s not just Shaolin Temple that has money, other temples aren’t exactly short on money either.”

Another person wonders: “Are the monks in today’s temples actually still truly devoted to spiritual practice at all?”

By Manya Koetse

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