China flexed its military muscle at a huge military parade in Beijing to mark 80 years since the end of World War II, displaying its latest generation of stealth fighters, tanks and ballistic missiles amid a highly choreographed cast of thousands.
The parade through Tiananmen Square on Wednesday morning was overseen by Chinese President Xi Jinping, who is also the head of the country’s military and the Chinese Communist Party.
After greeting foreign leaders, including Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, Xi moved on to welcome Chinese military veterans before taking his place at the centre of the event.
Putin and Kim were just some of the 26 world leaders who attended the parade, in a group that was drawn from mostly non-Western countries.
Xi watched the parade from the Gate of Heavenly Peace, before making a speech to the 10,000 assembled members of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), Navy and Air Force, stating that China would continue to “adhere to a path of peaceful development”.
As he spoke of China’s victory over “Japanese aggression” in the “world anti-fascist war”, he thanked foreign governments for their help. Xi did not mention the United States by name, despite the country’s prominent role in ending World War II.
The Chinese leader said that lessons from the war were as relevant now as ever.
“Humanity is again faced with a choice of peace or war, dialogue or confrontation, and win-win outcomes or zero-sum games,” Xi said, according to an official readout of his speech.
Members of the PLA Air Force march during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, in Beijing, China, on September 3, 2025 [Maxim Shemetov/Reuters]
“The Chinese people will stand firmly on the right side of history and on the side of human progress, adhere to the path of peaceful development, and join hands with the rest of the world to build a community with a shared future for humanity,” he said.
He also stressed that the military continues to play a vital role in China’s national rejuvenation – one of the ideological pillars of the Chinese Communist Party and Xi’s official doctrine and worldview.
“It really is difficult to understate how much of this is a part of the national psyche, the psyche of the Communist Party that, in the previous 100 years [before World War II], China was repressed, invaded and humiliated by foreign forces,” Al Jazeera’s correspondent Katrina Yu said from Beijing.
“I think Xi Jinping [is] making a point there that that will never happen again,” Yu said.
Dressed in a grey Mao suit, Xi then toured Tiananmen Square, standing in a vehicle and greeting troops with salutations, before the parade finally commenced down Beijing’s Chang’an Avenue, a major thoroughfare in the Chinese capital.
Chinese President Xi Jinping stands in a car to review the troops during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, in Beijing, China, on September 3, 2025 [Tingshu Wang/Reuters]
China’s most advanced weaponry took front and centre in the parade, including a new generation of hypersonic missiles, ballistic missiles, underwater drones, fighter jets, early warning aircraft and aircraft jamming systems.
Long-range intercontinental missiles – capable of delivering nuclear warheads – were also given a prominent position in the parade alongside tight formations of military personnel marching in unison before an audience of 50,000 observers.
“For Xi, the point is to reinforce the impression that the [People’s Republic of China, PRC] has arrived as a great power under his leadership,” said Ian Chong, a political scientist at the National University of Singapore.
“Another is the array of leaders at the parade, which suggests that the PRC cannot be isolated, and is unafraid of pressure and bullying, particularly from the United States,” he said.
Above the parade, the Chinese air force staged a flyover, including helicopters with banners declaring, “Justice will prevail”, “Peace will prevail”, and “The people will win”.
Responding to the military parade on social media, as it got under way, US President Donald Trump questioned whether Xi would acknowledge the role the US played in World War II, before wishing him well.
“The big question to be answered is whether or not President Xi of China will mention the massive amount of support and ‘blood’ that The United States of America gave to China in order to help it to secure its FREEDOM from a very unfriendly foreign invader,” Trump wrote.
“Many Americans died in China’s quest for Victory and Glory… May President Xi and the wonderful people of China have a great and lasting day of celebration.”
Trump also added: “Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin, and Kim Jong Un, as you conspire against The United States of America.”
President Donald Trump says the US has carried out a strike against a drug-carrying vessel in the southern Caribbean, killing 11 “Narcoterrorists”.
He posted on social media that Tuesday’s US military operation had targeted members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua.
Trump said the vessel was in international waters and was transporting illegal narcotics bound for the US.
The Trump administration has ratcheted up military and political pressure against Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro in recent weeks, including through a $50m (£37m) reward for information leading to his arrest on drug-trafficking charges. Maduro has vowed Venezuela would fight any attempted US military intervention.
Speaking to reporters in the Oval Office on Tuesday, Trump said that US forces had “shot out” a “drug-carrying boat” in the vicinity of Venezuela.
“A lot of drugs in that boat,” he said.
Trump added he had been briefed on the incident by the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Dan Caine.
Later the president posted on his Truth Social platform: “Earlier this morning, on my Orders, US Military Forces conducted a kinetic strike against positively identified Tren de Aragua Narcoterrorists in the SOUTHCOM area of responsibility.”
He added: “The strike resulted in 11 terrorists killed in action. No US Forces were harmed in this strike. Please let this serve as notice to anybody even thinking about bringing drugs into the United States of America. BEWARE!”
His post was accompanied by a grainy aerial video showing a motor boat speeding across choppy waters before it bursts into flames.
In a social media post, Venezuela’s communications minister, Freddy Ñáñez, suggested, without evidence, that the video shared by Trump was created with artificial intelligence.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a post on X that “today the US military conducted a lethal strike in the southern Caribbean against a drug vessel which had departed from Venezuela and was being operated by a designated narco-terrorist organisation”.
It is so far unclear what drugs the vessel was believed to have been carrying.
Since returning to the White House in January, the Trump administration has designated several drug-trafficking organisations and criminal groups in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America as terrorist organisations.
Among them are Tren de Aragua and another Venezuelan group, the “Cartel of the Suns”, which US authorities allege is headed by President Maduro and other high-ranking government officials, some drawn from the country’s military or intelligence services.
The US military has moved to bolster its forces in the southern Caribbean over the last two months, including through the deployment of additional naval vessels and thousands of US Marines and sailors.
The Trump administration has repeatedly signalled a willingness to use force to stem the flow of drugs into the US.
“There’s more where that came from,” Trump said of the strike on the vessel.
Venezuela’s government has reacted angrily to the deployments.
On Monday, for example, Maduro vowed to “declare a republic in arms” if the US attacked, adding that the US deployments were “the greatest threat that has been seen on our continent in the last 100 years”.
French judicial authorities have issued arrest warrants for ousted Syrian president Bashar al-Assad and six other top former officials over the bombardment of a rebel-held city in 2012 that killed two journalists, lawyers said Tuesday.
Marie Colvin, 56, an American working for The Sunday Times of Britain, and French photographer Remi Ochlik, 28, were killed on February 22, 2012 by the explosion in the eastern city of Homs, which is being investigated by the French judiciary as a potential crime against humanity as well as a war crime. British photographer Paul Conroy, French reporter Edith Bouvier and Syrian translator Wael Omar were wounded in the attack on the informal press centre where they had been working.
Assad escaped with his family to Russia after being ousted by Islamist rebels at the end of 2024 although his precise whereabouts have not been confirmed. Other than Assad, the warrants notably target his brother Maher al-Assad who was the de facto head of the 4th Syrian armoured division at the time, intelligence chief Ali Mamlouk, and then-army chief of staff Ali Ayoub. AFP
Russian President Vladimir Putin told his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping on Tuesday that their countries’ ties were at an “unprecedented level”, during talks in Beijing ahead of a massive military parade.
Wednesday’s showcase of China’s might has been seized by world leaders as an opportunity to hold rare face-to-face talks, with North Korea’s Kim Jong Un expected to hold summits with both Putin and Xi according to South Korean sources.
Xi himself has embarked on a flurry of diplomatic meetings this week, including attendance at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in the northern city of Tianjin — a forum that China sees as an alternative to Western-dominated international cooperation.
Meeting Xi on Tuesday, Putin told him “our close communication reflects the strategic nature of Russian-Chinese ties, which are currently at an unprecedented level”, according to a pooled live feed.
In a nod to cooperation between the two countries during the war, Putin said “we were always together then, and we remain together now”.
Xi and Putin have also both met with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, as Tehran faces the reimposition of European sanctions over its nuclear programme.
On Tuesday Xi told Pezeshkian China opposed the “use of force to resolve differences”, but said it “supports Iran in safeguarding its national sovereignty”.
The military parade on Wednesday marks 80 years since the end of World War II and will be attended by around two dozen world leaders, including Kim in his first visit to China since 2019.
Kim is expected to mingle with other world leaders at a gala performance, as well as meet Xi and Putin for talks, Lee Seong-kweun, a South Korean member of parliament briefed by Seoul’s spy agency, told reporters.
Putin also met with Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico on Tuesday, praising his country’s “independent foreign policy”.
Fico has irked European leaders by criticising the bloc’s support for Ukraine and pushing back against efforts to cut energy imports from Russia. Slovakia is highly reliant on Russian gas.
The leaders of China, Russia and North Korea have been photographed walking to the parade together. It is a striking image, that has been beamed onto large screens in Beijing.
Xi Jinping (C) walks alongside Russia’s president Vladimir Putin (centre L) and North Korea’s leader Kim Jong-un (centre R). Photograph: Pedro Pardo/AFP/Getty Images
Key events
A new photograph has emerged showing former Australian Labor state premier Dan Andrews standing among global leaders before the parade.
You can spot him in the back right corner, behind Putin, Xi and Kim.
Former Labor state premier Bob Carr is also reportedly a guest at the parade.
Critics, including opposition leader Sussan Ley, say the pair risk being used in CCP propaganda.
But Carr told The Australian his attendance was in recognition of China and Australia’s shared second world war history, arguing that Chinese resistance defended Australia from direct naval assault by Japan.
Carr led the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney from 2014 to 2019.
Andrews signed Victoria on to China’s belt and road initiative, before it was vetoed by the Morrison government.
Leaders pose for a group photo ahead of a military parade in Beijing, China. Photograph: Sergei Bobylev/AP
Military hardware on display
Helen Davidson
There’s an extraordinary amount of military hardware on display.
We’ve seen everything from tanks and drones to long-range and nuclear capable missiles, fighter jets and stealth aircraft. The long-distance nuclear capable H6 bombers, and the J-16 and J-20 fighters (most often seen running harassment sorties into Taiwan’s air defence identification zone) are among the planes doing flyover displays above the square.
New stealth fighters are also flying V formations, a livestream from inside cockpits showing pilots giving a salute as they fly past.
China Parade Military equipment passes during the military parade to commemorate the 80th anniversary of Japan’s World War II surrender held in front of Tiananmen Gate in Beijing, Wednesday, Sept. 3, 2025. Photograph: Ng Han Guan/AP
There were reports of the J15-DT – China’s new carrier-based electronic warfare also appearing. The development of the new aircraft has been closely watched by military observers.
The Dongfeng-61 missile was noted by some analysts.
It is a hypersonic, road mobile missile with a vertical erector, which one analyst said made it “much harder to spot and therefore hit prior to launch”.
“Being a hypersonic, it’s much harder to track and shoot down before it hits its target,” the analyst said
Drew Thompson, a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam school of international studies said:
The parade is a clear demonstration of the PLA’s expanding capabilities in both strategic and conventional domains which is intended to give the United States, Europe and China’s neighbours pause should they consider challenging China’s core national interests.
Zhou Bo, a retired senior Chinese army colonel,said the parade was “eye-opening” in terms of China’s advancement.
He said the ICBMs – Intercontinental ballistic missiles – are impressive but seen before.
The JL3 ICBM, which can be launched from under the sea, “is something new” and “very impressive”, he told China’s state media CGTN.
Parade ends
The parade has now ended, balloons are being released into the sky en masse.
Balloons and doves are released into the air during a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, in Tiananmen Square on September 03, 2025, in Beijing, China. Photograph: Lintao Zhang/Getty Images
For readers who are not hardware-heads, a new range of military equipment is making its public debut today.
An aerial display of military aircraft is moving through the sky in a V formation, leaving a trail of brightly coloured smoke.
A flock of doves has just been released into the sky.
Let’s take a look at some of the hardware on display today:
The HSU100 unmanned underwater vehicle is seen during a military parade Photograph: Pedro Pardo/AFP/Getty ImagesHypersonic missiles Photograph: Ng Han Guan/AP
Snap analysis: Xi’s speech
Helen Davidson
Xi Jinping’s short speech praised the “huge national sacrifice” of the Chinese people in fighting the war, but it also contained messages for today’s world.
Chinese people rallied together to defy the enemy … Today humanity again has to choose between peace and war.
He said China was a great nation which “is never intimidated by any bullies and always values independence and forges ahead”, according to the state media translation. He said the past showed that Chinese people always rally together “to defy the enemy” when faced with adversity.
Xi’s speech contained several references to the “rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” – a common phrase for Xi’s overarching plan for China’s future which hinges on Taiwan.
Xi and the CCP claim Taiwan is a Chinese province, now run by illegal separatists, and he has vowed to annex it under what he terms “reunification”. Taiwan’s government and people are opposed to this.
But Xi’s speech, while not specifically referencing Taiwan, makes it very clear that it’s still high on his agenda. He has pledged that China will take Taiwan by military force if necessary – and the parade display is also a strong demonstration of military capabilities.
The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has been undergoing modernisation under Xi, but it is also been beset by corruption issues, and in the last few years there have been purges of officials and personnel at levels not seen since the Mao Xedong era.
Xi seemed to reference that in his speech too, with a line that could be read as reassurance to people worried about it, and a warning to those inside the force.
The Chinese People’s Liberation Army has been and always will be the heroic armed forces that the party and the people can fully trust and rely on. All service members should faithfully perform their sacred duties, speed up the building of a world class military, and firmly safeguard China’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity.
Read more about the significant meeting of Xi, Putin and Kim here:
As the parade takes place, with Vladimir Putin in attendance, it is worth noting that all of Ukraine is under air raid alerts following Ukrainian air force warnings of Russian missile and drone attacks, military data shows.
Xi has returned to his seat overlooking the parade.
He is now peering up at the sky, where military aerial formations are flying.
Helicopters from the Chinese People’s Liberation Army air force fly in formation during a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, in Tiananmen Square on September 3, 2025, in Beijing, China. Photograph: Fred Lee/Getty Images
Blake Sharp-Wiggins
Some images as the parade gets under way.
The parade marks 80th anniversary of the end of the Sino-Japanese War in Beijing. Photograph: Andrés Martínez Casares/EPAXi Jinping at the military parade. Photograph: Lintao Zhang/Getty ImagesAttendees hold flags. Photograph: Andrés Martínez Casares/EPA
Rebecca Ratcliffe
As the parade continues, a look at one of the notable guests in attendance.
Myanmar’s junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, who rarely travels abroad, is also in Beijing.
For Min Aung Hlaing, Beijing is a rare and crucial ally, and his visit to China – months ahead of controversial promised elections – is an important diplomatic opportunity.
Min Aung Hlaing has become increasingly isolated abroad since he seized power in a coup in 2021 – a disastrous move that provoked a defiant armed opposition movement and spiralling conflict.
Many Western countries downgraded relations and imposed sanctions in response to the coup, and the UN has repeatedly warned of possible war crimes and crimes against humanity by the military.
Steps taken by western countries have had little impact on the military’s actions. Instead China retains far greater influence over what happens next.
China sells weapons to and is an ally of the military, though their relationship is complicated. Beijing was displeased by the coup in 2021, fearing the military’s seizure of power would create instability, and threaten China’s economic investments and its strategic interests.
Min Aung Hlaing, acting president of Myanmar, in China this week. Photograph: Xinhua/Shutterstock
Over the years, it grew increasingly frustrated at Min Aung Hlaing’s inability to control the country and impose order. It has been especially concerned by the explosion in organised crime in Myanmar, with which it shares a border – especially the proliferation of “scam compounds” that have trafficked large numbers of Chinese nationals, and targeted the Chinese public with online scams.
Frustration prompted Beijing to give its tacit support to a 2023 offensive in northern Shan State by a coalition of ethnic armed groups that opposed the junta. However, when the success of this offensive looked like it might create a domino effect, and ultimately threaten the military’s grasp on power, China stepped up its support for the junta. It apparently feared the collapse of Min Aung Hlaing’s regime could ultimately be even worse for China’s interests.
China has since increased its diplomatic engagements with the junta, and has backed the junta’s plans to hold elections, due to be held in phases, starting 28 December. Many western governments will perceive the vote as a sham, but Min Aung Hlaing will hope the vote will lead to a reopening or normalisation of diplomatic relations with some regional countries. India, as well as China, have signalled support for the vote.
What is at stake for Kim Jong-un?
Justin McCurry
Kim Jong-un has not left North Korea for two years, while it has been six years since he last visited China. The North Korean leader does not seem to share his father Kim Jong-il’s fear of flying – he flew to Singapore to meet Donald Trump in 2018 – but he could hardly be described as an enthusiastic traveller. So why has he decided to go to Beijing – again in a heavily armoured train – to attend Wednesday’s military parade?
Having once been isolated as part of George W Bush’s “axis of evil”, North Korea has exploited changes in the global geopolitical landscape to come out of the cold, triggering concern in South Korea and Japan. Now it is one third of what western analysts are calling an “axis of upheaval” along with China, Russia and Iran.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (C) as he departs from Pyongyang by special train to visit China. Photograph: KCNA via KNS/AFP/Getty Images
While the Trump administration invites a backlash through punitive trade measures imposed on traditional allies, Kim has improved his regime’s ties with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin. Reports that Kim and Putin will sit either side of Xi at Wednesday’s military parade to commemorate 80 years since Japan’s defeat in the second world war will be irrefutable evidence of a trilateral relationship designed to issue a direct challenge to what they see as western hegemony.
Kim’s friendship with Putin, whom he met in Russia in 2023 and again in Pyongyang last year, has proved useful for both leaders. Kim has sent thousands of his troops to fight alongside Russian forces against Ukraine – a show of support that has reportedly given him access to Russian expertise in developing weapons of mass destruction.
Kim’s relationship with Xi is more complicated. The Chinese leader has appeared more reluctant to antagonise the US through moving dramatically closer to Pyongyang, but China is still the North’s biggest aid donor – a role Kim is keen to build on for the sake of his country’s perennially struggling economy.
Kim is also wary of the recent thaw in ties between China and South Korea, prompting some analysts to speculate that his presence at the parade is a pre-emptive move to frustrate any potential meeting of minds between Xi and the South’s new president, Lee Jae-myung.
While Russia continues to attract international condemnation over its invasion of Ukraine, an unambiguous show of Chinese support for North Korea would represent a diplomatic coup for Kim – and make his long train journey to and from Beijing worth the effort.
A successful trip to the Chinese capital could result in a reciprocal visit by Xi to Pyongyang in October for the anniversary of the founding of North Korea’s ruling Workers’ party, according to Lim Eul-chul, a professor at the Institute for Far Eastern Studies Kyungnam University in South Korea. “If Kim succeeds in securing Xi’s visit, it would raise the regime’s status to its highest level,” Lim said.
Trump sends ‘warmest regards’ to Xi, Putin and Kim ‘as you conspire against’ the US
US president Donald Trump is clearly aware that the parade is taking place. He has posted to Truth Social about it:
“The big question to be answered is whether or not President Xi of China will mention the massive amount of support and “blood” that The United States of America gave to China in order to help it to secure its FREEDOM from a very unfriendly foreign invader. Many Americans died in China’s quest for Victory and Glory. I hope that they are rightfully Honored and Remembered for their Bravery and Sacrifice! May President Xi and the wonderful people of China have a great and lasting day of celebration. Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin, and Kim Jong Un, as you conspire against The United States of America. PRESIDENT DONALD J. TRUMP”
Marching has begun by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).
Xi is riding in an open-topped car, surveying the troops.
China’s President Xi Jinping inspects the troops. Photograph: Pedro Pardo/AFP/Getty Images
Snap analysis on the Xi, Putin, Kim photo
Justin McCurry
It is an image that, had it been published just a few years ago, would have been dismissed as a piece of mischievous photo-shopping: the leaders of Russia and China, accompanied by the head of a pariah regime whose mission to arm his country with nuclear weapons had been opposed in the United Nations by his two companions.
But dramatic shifts in the geopolitical landscape – Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and, crucially, the re-election of Donald Trump – have combined to bring Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin and the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un together.
On Wednesday morning, the three men led a group of more than 20 world leaders as they strode towards a rostrum in Tiananmen Square in Beijing to watch a “victory day” parade in Beijing.
A TV screen shows Chinese leader Xi Jinping, Russian president Vladimir Putin and North Korea’s Kim Jong-un arriving for the military parade. Photograph: Florence Lo/Reuters
Xi Jinping, dressed in a grey Mao suit and flanked by Putin on his right and Kim on his left, is presiding over what could justifiably be described as proof that a second cold war has begun – led by a triumvirate of nuclear powers that have positioned themselves in diametric opposition to the US and its allies in the west.
The symbolism attached to the first-ever meeting between the three leaders threatened to overshadow the huge military parade snaking through the streets of the Chinese capital.
Just how the photo op will translate into action remains to be seen, but one world leader not on Wednesday’s guest list must surely be looking on with a mixture of curiosity and alarm.
Xi’s address continues:
History cautions us that humanity rises and falls together… Today humanity has to choose between peace and war.
He vows to speed up the building of a world class military, which is met with applause.
The Chinese nation is never intimidated by any bullies.
The speech has concluded, we will continue to keep you up to date.
Xi’s speech begins
Xi Jinping is welcoming guests to the parade and delivering a speech.
He welcomes guests from around the world and says the parade is an occasion to remember history and “cherish peace” – paying tribute to veterans and soldiers.
Xi goes on to talk about China’s achievements in the second world war.
A display shows China’s President Xi Jinping delivering a speech in Tiananmen Square during the military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan. Photograph: Lintao Zhang/Getty Images
Trump posts: ‘Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin, and Kim Jong Un, as you conspire’ against US.
Published On 3 Sep 20253 Sep 2025
President Donald Trump has brushed off concerns that deepening ties between China and Russia pose a threat to the United States, pointing to Washington’s unmatched military might.
Asked in a radio interview on Tuesday whether he was concerned about a China-Russia axis forming against the US, the US president said he was not.
“We have the strongest military in the world, by far,” he told the conservative pundit Scott Jennings.
“They would never use their military on us. Believe me, that would be the worst thing they could ever do.”
Trump, who campaigned on the promise of swiftly bringing an end to Moscow’s war in Ukraine, also expressed disappointment with Russian President Vladimir Putin over his failure to reach a peace deal with Kyiv.
“I am very disappointed in President Putin, I can say that, and we will be doing something to help people live,” he said.
“It’s not a question of Ukraine. It’s helping people live.”
Trump’s comments come as China and Russia have been ramping up cooperation to present an alternative vision to the Western-led international order.
Speaking at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in China’s Tianjin earlier this week, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Putin took turns levelling criticisms at what they view as Washington’s undue dominance over the global arena.
On Wednesday, Putin attended China’s largest-ever military parade, held to mark the 80th anniversary of Japan’s defeat in World War II, an event widely seen as part of Xi’s efforts to demonstrate Beijing’s growing clout on the international stage.
Speaking to reporters at the White House on Tuesday, Trump dismissed suggestions that the parade should be seen as a challenge to the US.
“I don’t see that at all, no,” he said.
“I have a very good relationship with President Xi, as you know, but China needs us much more than we need them.”
Responding later to the military parade on social media as it got under way, Trump questioned whether Xi would acknowledge the role the US played in World War II, before wishing him well.
“The big question to be answered is whether or not President Xi of China will mention the massive amount of support and ‘blood’ that The United States of America gave to China in order to help it to secure its FREEDOM from a very unfriendly foreign invader,” Trump wrote.
“Many Americans died in China’s quest for Victory and Glory … May President Xi and the wonderful people of China have a great and lasting day of celebration.”
“Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin, and Kim Jong Un, as you conspire against The United States of America,” Trump added.
Chinese President Xi Jinping poses with member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) during a photo session at the Meijiang Convention and Exhibition Centre in Tianjin, China, September 1, 2025. — Reuters
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s summit in Beijing unfolded in a climate of heightened regional expectations. What has long been viewed as a largely rhetorical platform for Eurasian cooperation is being steadily reshaped by Beijing and Moscow into something more developmentally oriented.
At the meeting, China’s leadership announced steps to establish an SCO development bank and pledged a new line of credit and soft loans spread over the next three years. The amount may not be impressive in global financial terms, but for member states facing economic distress, including Pakistan, the message was unmistakable: this forum will not only discuss security and multipolarity but also begin to channel funds and investment into tangible projects. For Islamabad, that promise comes at a moment when breathing space is scarce, and every dollar counts.
The summit was also notable for the contrast in tone between the addresses of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. Modi, appearing in China for the first time since the violent border standoff in Ladakh in 2020, stuck closely to the themes India has consistently raised in such gatherings. He spoke of terrorism as a universal menace, making it clear that states supporting violent networks would eventually face consequences. He also repeated India’s reservations about cross-border infrastructure corridors that do not respect sovereignty, a veiled reference to the Belt and Road Initiative and specifically the CPEC alignment through Gilgit-Baltistan.
Modi used the occasion to highlight that India’s preferred model of regional connectivity lies in ventures like the Chabahar port project and the International North–South Transport Corridor, which, in Delhi’s view, builds trust rather than infringes upon contested borders. Shehbaz Sharif, on the other hand, echoed the language Beijing has made central to the SCO: respect for territorial integrity, mutual development and inclusive cooperation. By carefully framing Pakistan’s position around sovereignty while simultaneously leaning into the promise of deeper industrial, technological and agricultural cooperation, his speech aimed to neutralise India’s recurring critique and reframe Pakistan as an indispensable partner in the bloc’s new economic chapter.
Beyond the plenary, Sharif’s engagements in Tianjin and bilateral meetings reinforced the message that Islamabad wants to turn the second phase of CPEC into a story not merely of roads and power plants but of skills, factories and innovation. It was a script designed to cast Pakistan not as a supplicant but as a willing participant in the SCO’s evolution. Both leaders, in their own way, acknowledged the same reality: the SCO is drifting away from its early identity as a security platform and becoming a forum where development, connectivity and financial support take centre stage.
But they diverged sharply on what this should mean. India views the initiative as risky if it legitimises projects that trespass into disputed territory, and it insists that security threats like terrorism must remain the group’s central concern. Pakistan, by contrast, views the new financing and project-based emphasis as an opportunity to alleviate its fiscal burdens, expand CPEC into sectors that generate exports and jobs, and gain legitimacy as a key corridor state. For Islamabad, the week offered a rare convergence of opportunity. With Chinese backing, the SCO’s proposed lending mechanisms could allow Pakistan to access alternatives beyond its exhausting cycle of IMF negotiations.
Even relatively small credit lines, if coupled with better governance, could jump-start long-promised special economic zones or fund modernisation in agriculture. The real challenge lies not in announcements but in delivery. To ensure that procurement is transparent, projects are not politicised and infrastructure actually produces productivity gains rather than white elephants.
Sharif’s government now faces the hard task of matching external pledges with internal reform. India’s approach, in turn, was cautious but uncompromising. By restating its well-known position that connectivity cannot be imposed without consent and by again prioritising terrorism, Modi ensured that Delhi’s record remained intact.
Yet the SCO’s culture of consensus and its China-led orientation mean India’s sharpest concerns are often diluted in final communiques. Delhi risked appearing like a participant whose voice is registered but not amplified. Its answer has been to champion its own corridors – Chabahar and INSTC – but the credibility of these projects depends on cargo flows and timetables, not only summit speeches. The International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is a multimodal trade route (combining sea, rail and road) designed to connect India, Iran, Russia, Central Asia and Europe in a shorter, faster and more cost-effective manner than traditional maritime routes.
It was first conceived in 2000 through an agreement between India, Iran, and Russia, and later expanded to include more than a dozen member states, including Azerbaijan, Armenia, Kazakhstan and others. Unless India can demonstrate that its preferred routes can deliver faster and cheaper access to Central Asia, the risk is that the SCO’s economic turn leaves Delhi more marginal than central. The politics around the summit were, as usual, fuelled by optics. Clips of leaders standing together, exchanging brief greetings or attending ceremonial events drew disproportionate attention.
Some Indian outlets celebrated images of Modi in conversation with Xi and Putin. Some Pakistani channels stressed Sharif’s presence alongside the Chinese president at commemorative events. But the deeper story lay in the speeches and in the chair’s financial announcements. China reinforced its role as the primary architect of the SCO’s new phase, while Pakistan positioned itself as a beneficiary and partner in that design. India maintained its principled reservations, ensuring it could not be accused of disengagement. What, then, might each country gain or lose from this shift? For Pakistan, the potential gain is twofold: fresh financial commitments that diversify its external options, and diplomatic cover in a bloc that amplifies its partnership with China.
The symbolism of being cast as central to SCO connectivity is valuable at a time when domestic pressures mount. For India, the risk is not immediate isolation but gradual erosion of influence. Its insistence on sovereignty resonates at home and among some external partners, but within a forum where Beijing sets the tempo, Moscow provides backing and Central Asian states are eager for investment, India’s objections can seem like background noise unless matched with viable alternatives. Ultimately, the SCO in Beijing underlined that South Asia’s two rivals are playing different games on the same stage.
Pakistan seeks capital, legitimacy and partnership through CPEC 2.0, while India insists on principle, sovereignty and caution in security. China, meanwhile, ensures that both arguments must be conducted in an arena it increasingly dominates. The outcome of this contest will not be decided by summit speeches alone. For Pakistan, success depends on whether external pledges translate into functioning industrial zones, better-managed power systems and skills development. For India, it rests on whether its alternative corridors move from blueprint to functioning trade arteries.
The lesson for Pakistan is to welcome new finance but remain vigilant about the conditions, even when they are not spelt out as explicitly as those in IMF programmes.
Only when external support is tied to internal reform has Pakistan seen sustainable growth. The lesson for India is that repeating its red lines is insufficient; it must prove through real infrastructure and trade that its model of connectivity is more viable than Beijing’s. Both will have to do more than talk if they are to convert summit presence into a durable advantage. The SCO may not rival BRICS or replace Western financial institutions, but it has outgrown its reputation as a mere photo-op. It is becoming a forum where resources, politics, and strategy intersect just enough to shape outcomes.
Pakistan left Beijing with promises of money and the aura of partnership. India left with a reiteration of principles that guard its red lines but do not shape the bloc’s trajectory. In the shifting geometry of Eurasia, one neighbour appears to have gained a little room to manoeuvre, the other a reminder of its constraints. Both, however, still determine their altitude through the work they do at home.
The writer holds a PhD from the University of Birmingham, UK. He tweets/posts @NaazirMahmood and can be reached at:mnazir1964@yahoo.co.uk